<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110161148/636d1d359c7e80680e0af39ejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3600" height="2400"/><figcaption>Tilicho Lake in Manang. The SAARC member states are among the countries most at risk from effects of climate change, yet a regional approach to tackle the issue is lacking. Photo: RSS</figcaption></figure>At the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/saarc-summit-should-help-us-start-thinking-locally-and-regionally,1809" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">18th SAARC Summit in Kathmandu in 2014</a>, member countries committed to work together against climate change, and raise a collective voice at international fora. That promise has been forgotten as India-Pakistan tensions have nearly derailed the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation.Even though member states like Bangladesh, Bhutan and Nepal are among the countries most at risk from <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/human-face-of-a-himalayan-climate-crisis/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">effects of climate change</a>, and share river basins, a regional approach has been missing.The next summit was originally planned to be held in Islamabad in 2016, was indefinitely postponed. India alleged that Pakistan was involved in an attack at its military base in Kashmir, and <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2016/10/13/saarc-minus-x/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">boycotted the conference</a>. Collective dialogue between the member countries on climate have been in limbo ever since.Ahmad Kamruzzaman Majumder, head of the Department of Environmental Sciences at Stamford University in Dhaka, says that the need for South Asian solidarity to combat the effects of climate change is now more urgent than ever.According to<a href="https://germanwatch.org/en/19777" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer"> a report published by Germanwatch in 2021</a>, Bangladesh is the seventh, Pakistan the eighth and Nepal the tenth most impacted country by the climate crisis."South Asian countries have not been able to sit together, discuss common issues, and come up with a unified vision," Majumder said. “Doing so would make it easier to pressure developed countries in the international forum."SAARC countries also failed to raise their collective concern at the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/good-cop-bad-cop/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">2021 United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP26)</a> and did not even sit together for discussions on the sidelines.However, the Minister for Climate and Forest Environment of India, Bhupendra Yadav, says that the discussions were held at ministerial level: "Informal talks took place between the concerned ministers." No statements were made about what was discussed.Stretching over 3,500km and across eight countries, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/a-terrifying-assessment-of-himalayan-melting/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">the Hindu Kush Himalaya</a> region is the source of 10 of Asia’s largest rivers as well as the biggest volume of ice and snow outside of the Arctic and Antarctica. Considered a biodiversity hotspot, the region is also home to about 1.3 billion people.But at present, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/global-heating-melts-mountains/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">the mountains are warming</a> between 0.3-0.7°C faster than the global average, snowlines are receding, glaciers are shrinking or their lakes in danger of bursting.Coastal areas of Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and the Maldives are threatened by sea-level rise.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-third-pole-is-warming-faster-than-expected/">The Third Pole is warming faster than expected</a>, Kunda DixitHarjeet Singh, a senior advisor to the International Climate Network, said that SAARC, adds, "The entire region of South Asia is at red alert, it is <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/shared-futures/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">imperative that the member states work together</a> in this crisis."However, India has been opposed to the multi-lateral approach involving its neighbours even though they are all at high risk – their oceans, rivers, deserts and mountain systems.According to <a href="https://reliefweb.int/report/india/assessment-climate-change-over-indian-region-report-ministry-earth-sciences-moes" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">the 2020 report</a> 'Assessment of Climate Change over the Indian Region' published by the Ministry of Earth Sciences of India, sea levels in India rose by 3.3mm per year between 1993-2017. By the end of this century, the levels are projected to rise by a whoping 300mm.Yet, India has actively <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/climate-denial-in-the-himalaya/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">evaded discussions with neighbouring nations</a>. "Climate issues have been overshadowed by geopolitical issues," says Ahmed Kamruzzaman Majumdar. “Pakistan also does not seem interested in holding talks with India.”Nepal’s former Foreign Minister Pradeep Gyawali also says that SAARC has become a victim of bilateral tensions between India and Pakistan. "SAARC could be more active, but tensions between them have severely hindered regional cooperation,” he says.India's interest seems to be strengthening the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/bimstec-facelift/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC)</a>, essentially overshadowing SAARC. Apart from SAARC countries, Thailand and Myanmar are also members of BIMSTEC, while Pakistan is not.Nepal, however, disagrees about <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/connecting-Bangladesh-China-India-Nepal,2966" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">moving BIMSTEC forward</a> at the detriment of SAARC. Kathmandu had even proposed to hold the 19th SAARC summit in nations other than Pakistan."BIMSTEC is also necessary, but the fact that South Asia is our common identity cannot be overlooked. We actively raised our voice in the government to ensure that SAARC is not overlooked in favour of BIMSTEC," says Gyawali.Former Foreign Secretary Madan Bhattarai says that other common problems have been exacerbated by SAARC’s inactivity. "When issues like climate change are dealt with through a forum like SAARC, our collective bargaining strength increases," he says, "As president, Nepal will have to take initiatives with other member nations.”He adds that besides climate, other issues like health, tourism, aviation and COVID are common burning issues that require cooperation through bodies like SAARC.According to Raju Pandit, a climate expert who has participated in various international forums on climate change from Nepal, the issue of climate change has stark differences in outlook among the members of SAARC."We are talking about reducing carbon emissions. However, India does not like the idea of cutting back on coal use,” he said. "SAARC is now in a complete coma. If there are regional issues like climate change to deal with, we should lobby for the formation of a separate organization of small landlocked countries like Nepal.”Translated from <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/126993">the original</a> by Aryan Sitaula.

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Indo-Pak tension hits SAARC climate action

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141132/636cfd5b9c7e80680e0a0bddjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2058" height="1514"/><figcaption>The 2nd Battalion 5th Gurkha Rifles at Ahnai Tangi in Waziristan on 14 January 1920 as part of Britain's 'Third Afghan War'. Painting by Fred Roe at the National Army Museum.</figcaption></figure>Even though Nepal and Afghanistan are separated geographically, Nepali and Pashtun warriors have met face-to-face over more than 200 years. While the Pashtun were in their home territory, the Nepalis were fronting for others, and now with the Taliban’s second-time total victory in Afghanistan, new dynamics will have to evolve.As current chair of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), Nepal must take the lead in, on the one hand, helping the world accept the fait accompli of the Taliban victory, while on the other get the didactic, xenophobic Taliban to accept the values of pluralism and multilateralism. As a country which holds these values dear, Nepal should reach out of its own cocoon to do what it can.The history of Afghan-Nepal relations goes back two centuries, with what the British colonisers called the ‘First Afghan War’ and continued through the ‘Third Afghan War’ against the Pashtun in 1919.  These were Britain’s wars in Afghanistan, and the Nepalis who joined at various times were straight-off mercenaries, parts of the British Gurkhas, and even the national Nepali army. Most recently, British Gurkhas were fielded as part of the ISAF/NATO force, or were recruited by western military contractors to guard Western bases and embassies.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141132/636cfd5e9c7e80680e0a0bdejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="751">The Army of the IndusNepal is situated in the mid-Himalaya, while Afghanistan sits astride the Pamir and Hindu Kush, 2,000km away. Even at its height, the expansionist Gorkha Empire could not go beyond the Sutlej River. But these are the only two countries in South Asia that fought off colonialism. Afghans are known for their fierce resistance to foreign hegemony, as were Nepalis, but Afghanistan has nevertheless been serving continuously as a ‘fighting field’ for outsiders, while at best Nepal has been a ‘playing field’.Historically, there were indirect links between the central Himalaya and the Hindu Kush/Pamir: from the ancient Aryans down to the Moghuls, it was through the Khyber Pass and other northwestern passages that migrations and conquests of the Indus-Ganges plains occurred. Afghanistan stretched outside the country’s modern boundary, and included the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa region of present-day Pakistan.It was the colonial British that separated the Pashtun people with a new boundary called the ‘Durand Line’. This forced demarcation has relevance today because, while Afghanistan is ethnically diverse with Kyrgyz, Baloch, Hazara, Uzbek and other communities, the Taliban leadership and rank-and-file are dominated by Pashtuns.Even though Afghanistan and Nepal were spared colonial rule, Afghanistan suffered much more foreign interference than Nepal. Located between Czarist Russia, Central Asia and the British Empire and with Persia to the west, Afghanistan was (and remains) a strategic prize. Nepal, on the other hand, was protected by malarial jungles to the south and the world’s highest mountains to the north, and neighbouring powers found it more advantageous to maintain it as a buffer state.When the Gorkha Empire felt threatened by the East India Company in the mid-1700s, it sent feelers for help to the Maratha and Sikh kings. Though probable, we do not have historical evidence to indicate that Kathmandu also appealed to the rulers in Kabul.Meanwhile, even before the end of the Anglo-Nepal war of 1814-1816, some Nepali soldiers had already gone over to the British side, marking the beginnings of the ‘Gurkha’ brigades. After the bloody defeat at Nalapani, the Gorkhali general Bal Bhadra Kunwar escaped to join the forces of Sikh king Ranjit Singh in Lahore. The Nepali word लाहुरे for soldiers and workers who go abroad is derived from the name of this city.We do not know what happened to the other Gorkhali troops who went with him, but Bal Bhadra himself was killed in battle when the Sikhs were fighting the Pasthuns in Naushera, which was then Afghan territory.There are other indirect Afghan influences in Nepal. The words रुपियाँ and अशर्फी were introduced in India by Sher Shah Suri, who became ruler of Mughlan after briefly ousting emperor Humayun from Delhi. The terms percolated up to Nepal. Although Sher Shah was born in Bihar state bordering Nepal, his ancestral village was Sur in the Sulaiman Range, within Afghan territory.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141132/636cfd619c7e80680e0a0bdfjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="945"></figure>British forces together with Nepali soldiers of the 'Army of the Indus' entering the Bolan Pass en route from Quetta to Afghanistan in 1839. The campaign ended in a bloody disaster. Engraved by Louis and Charles Haghe.Nepalis and Pashtuns came into more direct contact during the East India Company’s Afghan Campaign of 1839-42 when an ‘Army of the Indus’ was assembled to invade Afghanistan. This was part of the Great Game, when British India felt it had to contain the expansion of Czarist Russia. Thousands of troops from the early ‘Gurkha’ units were deployed on the Afghan front, and as was the practice in those days, the soldiers were accompanied by camp followers which included their wives and children.The ‘Army of the Indus’ was routed, and legend has it that only one British officer straggled out to Peshawar, though there would have been a few more. There is no count of how many Nepalis were cut down with swords in Herat, Ghazni and Kabul, or those who froze to death in the dreadful Afghan winter. Many women and children would have been enslaved by Afghan warlords.North of Kabul in Charikar Fort, hundreds Gorkhali fighters were under siege for months, with the water source blocked. When the Gorkhalis tried to break out, most were killed, except a sipahi named Motiram who managed a dangerous and arduous trek down to his cantonment in the Punjab plains to tell the tale.Najibullah to GhaniThroughout the 19th, 20th and 21st centuries, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/who-will-rescue-nepalis-from-afghanistan/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepalis kept going back to Afghanistan</a> – to fight. Gurkha soldiers assigned to the Durand Line engaged in frequent skirmishes with Pashtun fighters. And in 1919, while other Nepali soldiers were returning home from Belgium, France and Gallipoli, soldiers of the Nepal Army were sent to Afghanistan by Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere Rana to help the British counter a rebellion in Waziristan. Those troops for the ‘Third Afghan War’ were led by Gen Babar Sumshere.In the modern era, the people of Afghanistan suffered as super-powers muscled their way in. In 1974, Afghan king Zahir Shah was overthrown, and at the end of the Mujahideen war that followed against Soviet occupation, President Najibullah was dragged out of the UN compound where he had sought refuge, tortured and hung at the gates of Kabul in 1996 by the Taliban.Unable to face the resistance of Afghan guerrillas, the Soviet Union withdrew in 1989 and cast off Najibullah in 1991, just as the Americans abandoned Ashraf Ghani in 2021. During this whole time, Afghan polity was decimated as a result of interference by the Soviets, the Americans after 9/11, NATO forces, Pakistanis and Saudis, who together spent trillions of dollars.While all that money landed up at the hands of the Afghan elite and warlords, ordinary Afghans died and suffered. Millions became refugees in Iran and Pakistan, and more refugees are streaming out as this is written – the desperation is seen in Afghan men trying to attach themselves to C-17s on the runway at Kabul Airport this week.The irony of it all was that some of the descendants of the Gorkhali troops who fought in Helmand and Kabul nearly 200 years ago were back as part of the Gurkha units in the British deployment in the same places as a part of NATO’s ISAF mission. The blood and sweat they sacrificed seems to have been in vain, as President Ashraf Ghani flew out of Kabul on 15 August. Ghani said he wished to prevent bloodshed, and would doubtless have also feared meeting the same fate as Najibullah. But all this seems to have been part of a larger withdrawal deal worked out between the Americans and the Taliban in talks in Doha.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141132/636cfd649c7e80680e0a0be0jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1474" height="816"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>One of the consultants that the World Bank brought to Nepal in 2006 to advise leaders here about post-conflict rehabilitation was <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=13470#.YRvjiS1w3OQ" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id%3D13470%23.YRvjiS1w3OQ&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1629372271640000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHeMUVxCU735OL-66D-E9bbRhVIQw">Ashraf Ghani himself. </a>The author of the book he co-wrote with Clare Lockhart, Fixing Failed States: A Framework for Rebuilding a Fractured World, Ghani wrote in one of his columns for Nepali Times then: ‘Surely the people of Nepal deserve leadership from their politicians to ensure that Nepal embarks upon a path towards a new future. A new future is no longer a dream, it has become possible.’Nepal has not been brutalised and ravaged by a series of proxy wars like Afghanistan has for the past four decades. It did suffer the violent 10-year internal conflict, but the peace process took hold, and the country held two elections to a Constituent Assembly that wrote the new Constitution. Afghanistan’s violence, the killing of innocents and religion-laced extremism, have been at a whole different level.If it was soldiers that Nepal used to send to Afghanistan in the past two centuries, in the last two decades it was Nepali development experts, gender and media consultants and governance advisers who went to Kabul on behalf of the UN or other partners. And then there are the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepali-repatriation-from-kabul-starts/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">estimated 15,000 security guards</a> protecting various embassies, hotels, bases and installations in Kabul. Nepali were attracted to dangerous work in Afghanistan because it paid much better, even though they were often hired as guards of the Western soldiers.While some Nepalis are starting to return on repatriation flights this week, there are many stranded in Kabul and fearful about their future. The Nepal government must proactively establish contact with the new regime in Afghanistan in order to ensure the safety of its citizens there. It is also hoped that the soft language emanating from the Taliban victors, about allowing safe passage to all who seek to exit, reflects a genuine commitment.Nepal is currently chair of SAARC, and it could use its tenure to bring Afghanistan back into the South Asian fold even as the Taliban go about establishing themselves. Kathmandu must strive to establish bilateral relations, while remaining outside sphere of Indian, Chinese, Pakistani, Saudi or Western interests there.China and Russia have already made their moves to establish relations with the Taliban government. New Delhi has been stung by Ashraf Ghani’s downfall, given their steadfast support for him, while there seems to be some rejoicing in Islamabad. If Nepal takes a proactive diplomatic approach (in a manner that would be wholly new to it) Kathmandu could use its bilateral relations to usher a new era of peace in the region. For Nepal as a country that has been so insular in past two decades, that may seem a tall order, but some self-confidence in foreign policy can make it happen.The immediate priority of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, however, is to ensure the security and repatriation<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepali-repatriation-from-kabul-starts/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer"> </a>of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/bring-us-home-says-nepali-in-kabul/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepalis presently in Kabul</a> and across Afghanistan. Meanwhile, Nepali civil society members must reach out to their counterparts in Afghanistan and offer safe haven should it be required.While the Taliban spokesman has said all are safe, there is no saying when Afghan <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/call-to-evacuate-afghan-journalists/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">journalists,</a> gender and human rights activists may not need support and refuge. Afghanistan is the only country in South Asia whose nationals must get a visa to come to Nepal. In the name of South Asian solidarity, ‘visa on arrival’ should now also be available for Afghan citizens.The Taliban has been using Sharia law to justify its extreme form of patriarchy to prevent women and girls from equal rights, agency and education. It has also been violently suppressing minorities like the Shi’a and Hazara. The group that blew up the historical statue of the Buddha in Bamiyan in 2001 is now ruling Afghanistan, and there are genuine fears that the Taliban will return to its old ways.The fact that the Taliban is in control in Kabul is a fait accompli. Nepal must accept this and, while working to extricate its citizens from Afghanistan, must help Kabul rejoin the South Asian sphere.

Nepal and the Taliban’s second coming

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101152/636b78e49c7e80680e0646cdjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="4054" height="2703"/><figcaption>Photo: BIKRAM RAI</figcaption></figure>Globalisation is credited with raising over two billion people in the world out of poverty. The money to pay for all the fancy houses, mobile phones and traffic jams in Nepal can be traced back to Nepalis who can find work all over the world.Globalisation is double-edged and has its downsides: inequality, supply chains that ignore environmental costs, and the increased worldwide mobility that also makes people vulnerable to pandemics.Global challenges therefore require global solutions. COVID-19, the climate emergency, human trafficking cannot be addressed unless we think and act globally. Unfortunately, the costs and benefits of globalisation are not equitably distributed and hence in times of crisis, the response has been to fall back on nationalism, point fingers, or to turn our backs on the problem.With its own COVID-19 pandemic stabilising, Beijing decided to send a team and a planes full of equipment to help out Italy. There should be more of this, instead of ostracising entire continents as some countries have tried to do.The solution is complex because the virus must be stopped while minimising the impact on national and global economies. This is tricky. Any attempt to control the spread of the disease adversely affects the market, which in turn is needed to supply lifesaving drugs, test kits, masks, medical suits, and disinfectants. How do we do one and stop the other? Does the world need two independent systems?Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-economy-already-weak-takes-direct-hit/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal's economy already weak, takes direct hit</a>, Sanghamitra SubbaFurther, in a globalised world our response to the same pandemic is different in different countries. What worked in China may not work in the UK. The Italian approach seems to be very different from the Trump approach. It would be good to see leaders talking to each other more so that the general public at least gets a coherent message.When businesses make profit, they give themselves dividends. But when COVID-19 plunges them in the red, governments are supposed to step up and bail them out with money from taxpayers. What percentage of the profit and the tax they pay needs to be diverted to build resilience and a response mechanism by the time the next global crisis hits?It is not enough to say, “I pay taxes and now it is someone else’s problem”. Corruption, over dependence on foreign aid and indifference always seems to come around to bite us. Being resilient means the ability to bounce back quickly to the same state as when the crisis began. What are the lessons from the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2015/04/25/massive-earthquake-rattles-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">earthquake</a> and <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/kundadixit/2015/10/28/lose-lose/" target="_blank" rel="noopener" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/kundadixit/2015/10/28/lose-lose/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1584429126565000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFCsCkxpG5BMb082beHPsdsx68-ZA">Indian Blockade</a> in 2015, and now a pandemic? Right now it does not look like we are capable of learning.In a globalised world, the media has much more leverage than global agencies. CNN declared the pandemic before the WHO. And COVID-19 seems to discriminate against certain age groups, but not between rich and poor. Global finance agencies and governments suddenly found themselves loosening their purse because the virus did not spare the rich, celebrities or head of governments and health ministers. These agencies need to do a bit of soul searching as to why diseases that kill the poor cannot be sufficiently funded.The global marketplace is where competitively produced goods and services are bought and sold. When we face a pandemic, should a country like India be allowed to ban export of life-saving drugs to Nepal?  And why is the Nepal government not going after shopkeepers who hoard and sell medical masks in the black market? How about coming down hard on those hoarding fuel?<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/covid-19-revives-nepals-wash-drive/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Hand washing has worked in Nepal</a> for containing typhoid and other infections long before COVID-19 came along. The epidemic may actually help make hand washing a habit.The world may be global, but we need to think local and make ourselves safe, as well as ensure the safety of those around us. The biggest lesson of COVID-19 is that individuals and nation states cannot protect only themselves, we are all in this together.Anil Chitrakar is President of <a href="http://www.siddharthinc.com/" target="_blank" rel="noopener" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.siddharthinc.com/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1584429126566000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHlGpjXdetcUvuOgKB-EOTHzU-evQ">Siddharthinc</a> and writes this exclusive fortnightly column ½ Full for Nepali Times.

Anil Chitrakar

Global thinking and local action on coronavirus

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108181144/636a95a99c7e80680e05dc1djpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1240" height="1355"/><figcaption>RIGHT SIDE UP: This map of South Asia by Himal Southasia magazine in which ‘north’ is reversed to force a different perspective on the nation state, was deemed to be unnecessarily subversive at the South Asian University in New Delhi.</figcaption></figure>Against the Nation: Thinking like South Asians contains 22 essays authored by three sociologists -- Sasanka Perera, Dev Nath Pathak and Ravi Kumar – who argue that adherence to the nation-state concept is preventing the South Asian region from building upon its shared myths, culture and more.The book promotes a non-statist discourse of South Asia, which is especially relevant at a time when Pakistan-India, India-Nepal relations are strained by <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/kashmir-and-kathmandu/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Kashmir</a> and Kalapani, and SAARC is being sidelined. The authors focus on existing regional links in myth, folklore, religion, art, literature, food and popular culture which can be the building blocks for re-imagining South Asia. The essays are prefaced by an intellectually provocative and boldly reflexive chapter co-written by the authors, who are affiliated to South Asian University in New Delhi.Re-imagining South Asia is imperative in the face of perennial bickering among nation-states in the region, which the authors argue, has made the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/On-the-way-up/Different-regionalisms-SAARC,987" target="_blank" rel="noopener">South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation</a> (SAARC) hostage to nationalist politics.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/review/re-imagining-south-asia/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Re-imagining South Asia</a>, Shrey MehtaThe authors attribute this state of affairs to the parochial framework of the nation under which SAARC continues to function despite its regional rhetoric. They assert their opposition to the idea of nation, taking a crucial step towards realising a South Asian mode of thinking.Written in a markedly passionate tone, the book makes no pretence of academic objectivity. Rather, the authors call their approach ‘ideological’, informed by their own politics of knowledge. Anyone familiar to sociology of knowledge knows that what we call ‘knowledge’ is always rooted in particular social and temporal contexts and shaped by the politics of social actors. It is an intellectual fallacy to view knowledge as universalistic and disinterested, particularly so when the knowledge claims to represent human society. Such fallacy blinds us to alternative ways of seeing and, thereby, enslaving them to the dominant discourse.The authors suggest that the official imagination of South Asia, as a coming together of eight nation-states for regional co-operation, is ideological. This ideology is that of the nation-state, which imagines the existence of hostile ‘others’ across its boundaries, something that impedes the mainstreaming of organic regionalism. The book deconstructs this ideology by showing several instances of amicable artistic and cultural crossovers in the region currently, as well as in the past.Yet, it would just be all talk and no substance if the proposed re-imagination of South Asia was not substantiated in some ways. The authors, based at a university established by SAARC, are apparently in a position to take concrete steps towards promoting a truly regional consciousness that defies the insular imagination of ‘nation’. Yet they confront the messiness of everyday life inside the university.The book mentions an incident when a senior academic took exception to the inverted map of South Asia (pictured above), first conceptualised and published by Himal Southasian magazine, which was used by one of the university's departments in a presentation. The upside down map was envisioned to promote a re-imagination of the region centred on people rather than the nation-state. At the university however, it was deemed unnecessarily subversive, and it was suggested that the department get rid of it.The authors deplore such nationalist modes of thinking among colleagues and students, which make critical discussions on South Asia, inside and outside the classrooms, difficult. They advocate an alternative regional framework in teaching and research, recounting their interventions in the sociology curricula at the MA and PhD levels in the university.Academics have little or no incentive to write for the popular media and prefer to converse with peers by publishing in discipline-specific academic journals. In their ‘publish or perish’ world, popular writings are either ignored or frowned upon in the university system.<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.amazon.in/Against-Nation-Thinking-South-Asians/dp/9388630238" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Against the Nation</a> tries to engage the public outside such enlightened spaces of academia. Far from being an instance of populist anti-intellectualism, the accusation that the authors have anticipated, the book is steeped in the traditions of reflexive and public sociology. It can therefore resonate with a wider audience and will especially appeal to those who are intellectually interested and emotionally invested in the idea of South Asian regionalism. Against the Nation: Thinking like South AsiansBy Sasanka Perera, Dev Nath Pathak and Ravi KumarNew Delhi, Bloomsbury, 2019Price: INR1,299ISBN - 978-93-88630-22-1<a href="https://www.amazon.in/Against-Nation-Thinking-South-Asians/dp/9388630238"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108181144/636a95ac9c7e80680e05dc1ejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="160" height="258"></a>

Beyond the nation state in South Asia

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Xf4OpwoblRc&amp;feature=youtu.beProblem: Some 70% of Nepalis are carriers of the tuberculosis bacillus and many of them have full-blown versions of the disease. Although diagnosis and treatment is available, the sick cannot travel to hospitals. How to test the sputum of patients, and deliver antibiotics in remote and road-less parts of Nepal?Solution: By drones.Nepal has been acclaimed for its directly observed treatment short course (DOTS) for treating tuberculosis, which demands a combination of antibiotics that are administered under supervision. However, TB is difficult to diagnose and treat in remote parts of this country.That is why the Britain Nepal Medical Trust (BNMT) is taking a big leap in treating TB with a pilot project in a remote part of Piuthan district in the mountains of central Nepal. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/tb/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">TB</a>, Sonia Awale<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/tb-or-not-tb/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">TB or not TB</a>, EditorialThe Trust has cleverly recycled the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=294#.XPkeWBYzaUk" target="_blank" rel="noopener">DOTS</a> acronym to DrOTS, this time to mean Drone Optimised Therapy System, and is running test flights in the district to collect sputum samples and deliver both diagnoses and treatment to patients living in up-country villages.The drone flies to health posts in the mountains, and returns sputum samples to the district hospital in Swargadwari Municipality and the public health centre (PHC) in Piuthan Municipality. The samples are tested using a <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=17747#.XPkeaxYzaUk" target="_blank" rel="noopener">GenExpert kit</a>. If they are positive, patients are given DOTS treatment using smart pill boxes, which keep electronic records of whether or not patients have taken the antibiotics.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110813110/636a44c69c7e80680e04d34djpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1125"/><figcaption>Photo: RAMU SAPKOTA</figcaption></figure>“We are using the drones experimentally to ensure that we can reach the hidden cases of tuberculosis, since every untreated patient is a potential carrier of the disease and can spread it,” explains Shraddha Acharya, BNMT coordinator in Piuthan.During the pilot phase, drones will be used only to collect sputum samples from remote settlements. If the tests are successful, the Trust hopes to use the unmanned craft to also deliver medicine.Thanks to the initiative, health personnel will no longer need to walk for days to deliver sputum samples from health centres in the villages to the district hospital and PHC for testing, and then return with medicines for those who test positive. The current system results in delays in getting medicines to patients, and also lack of supervision administering the antibiotics.Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/for-nepal-a-game-changer-in-tb-control/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">For Nepal, a game-changer in TB control</a>, Buddha Basnyat and Maxine CawsCommunity Health Worker Sita GC (pictured above) says the drones are god-sent because they can deliver samples in 25 minutes, where earlier it took 2-3 days. “Logistics was a huge problem because of unreliable transport; now it is easy to diagnose and treat quickly,” she adds.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110813110/636a44ca9c7e80680e04d34ejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427">Maxine Caws (pictured above) of BNMT, an epidemiologist with the Liverpool School of Tropical Medicine, says the drones are being tested in Piuthan because it is the mountain district in Nepal with the highest TB prevalence. Last year, the district treated 379 patients for tuberculosis, but 335 new cases were detected in the same period.The remote-controlled craft are handled by drone specialist Nepal Flying Lab. “We found this to be an exciting project because the drones are ideal for bridging distances to remote areas and the sputum samples and medicines are not too heavy,” says the lab’s Uttam Pudasaini, who adds this is the first time such deliveries are being tested in Asia.The drones weigh 9kg when empty and can carry another 7kg in a cargo hold designed to protect against biohazards; they can be airborne for 30 minutes. The craft flies at speeds of up to 1km per minute, and is controlled by a pilot at the takeoff point who coordinates with a health worker at the destination. In future, the project plans to train health workers to fly the drones themselves.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110813110/636a44cd9c7e80680e04d34fjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110813110/636a44d19c7e80680e04d350jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110813110/636a44d49c7e80680e04d351jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="359">The technology has been used for TB control in Zimbabwe and Papua New Guinea. In Nepal, the pilot project is funded by the Nick Simons Institute till December. “Further extension will be determined by whether it is successful and cost-effective,” says Caws.Sita GC says so far up to 35 positive cases of TB have been detected from sputum samples in Piuthan this month. However, many people refuse to give samples, and others do not follow instructions on taking antibiotics.The ministry of health is also involved in the drone trials. Spokesperson Mahendra Shrestha says that if the tests are successful the government will take over the program and try to replicate it for TB control in other remote areas.“If this project is successful, Piuthan and Nepal will be famous worldwide. But the biggest challenge is to first make the tests work,” says Shrestha.<h2>TB or not TB</h2><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110813110/636a44d79c7e80680e04d352jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>There are 10 million new cases of tuberculosis every year, and the medieval disease still takes the lives of 1.5 million people annually worldwide.South Asia accounts for 40% of the global TB burden, with over 4 million cases as well as 40% of total fatalities, a third of them patients who succumbed after they failed to respond to treatment. But worsening air pollution, smoking and alcoholism are big risk factors for TB infection in the region.Some 11 Nepalis die every day from the highly contagious infection.There are 40,000 new cases of TB here every year, and Nepal also has a very high rate of latent TB infection. Despite antibiotics, it is often difficult to reach patients in underserved parts of the country and Nepal’s harsh terrain makes it hard to access diagnosis and treatment on time. Experts say there is huge under-reporting of cases.Nepal is a role model in the community-based DOTS (directly observed treatment short course), with its supervised administration of antibiotics to patients. Yet, experts say much more aggressive <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/for-nepal-a-game-changer-in-tb-control/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">case detection and an early treatment system</a> should be in place if the country is to meet the UN target of reducing TB mortality by 95% and cutting new cases by 90%, by 2035.This means developing techniques to reach the poorest in the remotest parts of the country, and also requires increases in Nepal’s TB control budget and prioritising the infection otherwise known as the ‘poor man’s disease’.<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/page/resistance-to-live-saving-drugs-threatens-to-set-back-progress-in-nepal" target="_blank" rel="noopener">MDR (multi-drug resistant) TB</a> is also spreading, as patients develop resistance to commonly used drugs for treatment. The last survey in Nepal showed that among previously treated cases, anti-microbial resistance was found in 15.8% of cases, against the world average of 18%.Nepal also has the added challenge of an open border with India and migrant workers continue to bring infections home, while many patients from India come to this country for treatment.The UN General Assembly held its first-ever, high-level meeting on tuberculosis last year to draw attention and generate investment for TB research, treatment and diagnosis. The SAARC TB Centre located in Kathmandu focuses on prevention and control of tuberculosis and TB/HIV co-infection. Research is also needed for non-resistant drugs with shorter regimen.Sonia Awale

Nepal tests and treats TB with a flying pharmacy

The book <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Another-South-Asia-Nath-Pathak/dp/9386552582" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Another South Asia!</a> with an assertive exclamation mark in its title requires one to pause, and step back to recall what is South Asia, before one engages with the idea of what could be ‘another’.The essays in this book explore institutional lapses like <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/page/saarc-timeline" target="_blank" rel="noopener">SAARC</a> which have not done much about the region, and includes the failure of academics. The book posits the possibility of exploring ‘another’: a soothing, disarming, and yet not credulous, utopia.It is common to understand the region <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/by-the-way/reimagining-south-asia,396" target="_blank" rel="noopener">through the lens of ‘India’s hegemonic power’</a> -- often provides for understanding everything bad in South Asia, be it the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/autopsy-of-a-blockade%20,2863" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Indian Blockade of Nepal</a> or the omnipresence of China’s influence in the region. The book jolts one out of this intellectual stupor, rejecting not just the conventional approach, but also explores a tapestry of lived history woven into the fabric of daily life. It begins to feel that there is more to the idea of <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/On-the-way-up/Different-regionalisms-SAARC,987" target="_blank" rel="noopener">South Asia</a> than one realised.The book explores South Asia through its fluid faiths and intellectual history, cross border bonhomie of artists, revolutionary poets of the region in the framework of ‘organic intellectuals’, and the Progressive Writers’ Association as a case for a South Asian literary imagination.That is not all. The dramatic and performative traditions of the region show them to be trans-local and deeply melodramatic without being Bollywood-like. It also invites us to see, smell, and savour South Asia far beyond its cartographic territory. Most importantly, this all premises on the idea that the region ought to be understood on its own both as a World Region, a civilisational entity in its own right.This is a refreshing departure from intellectual preoccupations of scholars, diplomats, bureaucrats, and officials who tend to be in confusion about South Asia. It is not too concerned with finding ‘the other’, but in this strength is also its weakness. Even while the book accepts the predominance of the state in South Asia, it resists an attempt to have a discussion about it. It is perhaps due to the objective of exploring much needed utopian imagination.  The book can only be summarised in metaphor, which is also a metaphor for the history of South Asia. The Jinnah House in Bombay which Indians cannot understand why after insisting on a separate nation, Jinnah said he wanted to spend a peaceful retired life in it after partition. Pakistani diplomats insist that it is a sign of Jinnah’s generosity, and that Indians have misunderstood him. Meanwhile, the biggest builder of Bombay who is also a member of parliament wants to pull it down, and replace it with something ‘better’.If the gates of that abandoned house were to be opened for people to live in it, and the house was to have a library, one imagines that a copy of this book would find a prized place on the shelves of that library. Another South Asia! Offers that tantalising possibility.  Shray Mehta is a PhD candidate at the Department of Sociology, South Asian University, New DelhiAnother South Asia!Edited by Dev Nath PathakNew Delhi: Primus Books, 2017ISBN: 978-93-86552-58-7Price: INR 1,395		
										<img width="344" height="499" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107171132/636933af9c7e80680e03dfb1jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/sorry-state/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Sorry state</a>, Editorial

Re-imagining South Asia

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107141112/636904a49c7e80680e037d34jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/><figcaption>Photo: MONIKA DEUPALA</figcaption></figure>That the fourth <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/connecting-Bangladesh-China-India-Nepal,2966">BIMSTEC</a> summit would be declared a “success” was a foregone conclusion because there wasn’t really much expected of the sub-regional economic grouping.The two-day conference concludes on Friday with the signing of a charter on regional cooperation by the leaders of India, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Burma, Nepal and Thailand in Kathmandu. This is the first time after 2015 that Nepal is hosting such a high level summit, and the NCP government sees it as a feather in its cap, pulling all stops to spruce up the capital.“It is an honour for Nepal to host the Summit, and BIMSTEC has great potential, we just need to cooperate on poverty alleviation through closer economic cooperation and connectivity,” Foreign Minister Pradeep Gyawali said.But will Nepal really benefit? The proof of the pudding will be in whether BIMSTEC can go where SAARC has not because of the India-Pakistan rivalry. It also links South Asia to Southeast Asia, and it is now up to member countries to look beyond bilateralism.“We are going step by step, but have made good progress on cooperation, including the energy grid,” BIMSTEC Secretary General Shahidul Islam told Nepali Times. This could be important for Nepal, with its hydropower potential.However, only a day before the Summit, China’s Three Gorges indicated it may pull out of <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2012/04/02/green-light-to-west-seti/">the long-delayed 750MW West Seti project</a> designed to export surplus power to India.SAARC countries, five of whom are BIMSTEC members, already have a framework agreement on energy cooperation, signed at the Kathmandu Summit in 2014 that should have allowed power trading if there was political will.But India issued its<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2016/12/09/indian-power/"> energy trade guidelines</a> in 2016, declaring that it will import hydropower from Nepal and Bangladesh only if it is produced by companies that are at least 51% Indian owned. That effectively killed Nepal’s chance of getting the Chinese involved.Ex-Energy Secretary Dwarika Nath Dhungel says: “Regional energy agreements mean nothing unless India revises its cross-border energy trade policy.”In August, Kathmandu and Dhaka signed an MoU to export electricity to Bangladesh. Bangladesh PM Sheikh Hasina made that request during a visit to New Delhi in April 2017, but there was no mention of it in the joint communique. Nepal has never bothered to raise it with India.Nepal aims to generate 15,000MW more electricity in the next 10 years, and could export the surplus to Bangladesh and beyond to Burma and Thailand.There are also fears BIMSTEC may jeopardise Nepal’s relations with China. India has persuaded BIMSTEC members to conduct a  joint military exercise shortly after the summit. Foreign Minister Gyawali clarified Nepal will not join any military alliance, but China and Pakistan are unlikely to be convinced.

Bimstec facelift

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107141112/6369048b9c7e80680e037d2bjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1400" height="1167"/><figcaption>Diwakar Chettri</figcaption></figure>Now that the leaders of the awkwardly acronymed BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation) are in the process of departing from Kathmandu after their fourth Summit, it might be the time for a post-mortem.The greatest achievement for Nepal from the Summit, as far as ordinary citizens of some parts of the capital are concerned, is that at least some of the muddy roads got paved, and the ugly dumping sites got fenced off.By the weekend, Kathmandu will be limping back to the old normal: <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=18124#.W4fFP84zbIU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">traffic jams,</a> decrepit roads, crumbling sidewalks, a grubby jungle of brick and concrete. And people will once more go about their daily lives, resigned to the fact that through feudalism, absolute monarchy, dictatorship or democracy, nothing will really change in this country.No matter how many potholes were hurriedly patched, colourful gates erected, or flags allowed to hang limply above the motorcades, there was no hiding from visitors the rot within. The Thai leader reportedly refused to join the retreat in Gokarna despite the PMO’s prodding because of the poor condition of the road.What a sorry state Nepal has become with its decomposing democracy, eroding rule of law, <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/state-of-impunity,2976" target="_blank" rel="noopener">impunity</a>, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/gigantism/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">cheap populism</a>, a pandemic of corruption and dilapidated infrastructure. All the more glaring because we have a powerful ruling party with full mandate to fix it all if it wanted to.It might be best to call a moratorium on any future summits or high-level international conferences in Kathmandu until we get our own house in order by cleaning up the city and the politics. No matter how good our hospitality or how far-reaching BIMSTEC resolutions, the state of Nepal will influence the way the Nepali state is treated by our neighbours and the international community.BIMSTEC was set up 20 years ago as an alternative to SAARC, which got ensnared in India-Pakistan acrimony.Read also: <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/GUEST-COLUMN/Boycotting-SAARC-is-not-the-answer,794" target="_blank" rel="noopener">SAARC minus 'X'</a>, Pradumna Rana<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Analysis/pride-and-prejudice-at-SAARC,394" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Pride and prejudice at SAARC</a>, Kanak DixitThe new sub-regional body tried to ‘look east’ with a focus on trade and connectivity by dropping Pakistan and adding Thailand and Burma, and picking up Bhutan and Nepal along the way. Getting South Asia’s plodding elephants to hobnob with Southeast Asia's sprinting tigers, however, has not been as easy as first envisaged. Even so, linking the northeastern quadrant of South Asia through connectivity, energy grids and trade could be beneficial for all members.Geopolitics, and the deepening polarisation between China and the US-India axis could put a spanner in the works. Beijing’s Belt Road Initiative competes with its emphasis on connectivity. BIMSTEC was India's way of sidelining Pakistan, and the military exercises of its member states in Pune next week is meaningful.There are other sub-regional initiatives besides the Dhaka-headquartered BIMSTEC. One of them is BCIM that evolved out of the Kunming Initiative and brings China’s Yunnan in an economic sphere with Bangladesh, India and Burma.Read also: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/connecting-Bangladesh-China-India-Nepal,2966" target="_blank" rel="noopener">BIMSTEC, BCIM, BBIN</a>, - &amp; 'BCIN', Kanak Dixit<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/by-the-way/reimagining-south-asia,396" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Re-imagining South Asia</a>, Anurag AcharyaWhen politics got in the way, countries in the sub-region tried to find a concrete do-able alternative and set up the BBIN (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal) motor vehicle agreement. But even for something as simple as this, it looks like India’s suspicions about vehicles from Bangladesh and Nepal having unhindered passage through its territory, and Bhutan’s reservations about being swamped by Indian trucks has blocked progress.Despite all the effort being put into cross-border regionalism, however, it is in bilateral economic links that there has been most progress. Even on something as logical as a China-Nepal-India trans-Himalayan railroad, the agreements so far are separately between India and Nepal, and Nepal and China.President Xi Jiping has said he wants a quadrilateral deal with India, Nepal and Bangladesh on connectivity, but New Delhi is not ready to play ball. The energy grid agreed to in Kathmandu will be a test to see if BIMSTEC is really different from SAARC.Despite Nepal’s poor image, being a member of any regional or sub-regional grouping, however moribund, is an advantage. There is strength in numbers where there are two hefty neighbours right next door.Read also: <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/On-the-way-up/Different-regionalisms-SAARC,987" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Different regionalisms</a>, Kanak Mani Dixit<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/page/saarc-timeline" target="_blank" rel="noopener">SAARC timeline</a>, Ayesha Shakya<h2>10 years ago this week</h2>The page 1 story in <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/issue/415" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepali Times #415</a> (29 August–4 September, 2018) showed how little things have changed in the geopolitics of the region in the past decade. As Kathmandu hosts the BIMSTEC Summit this week, it is a good time to re-read Mallika Aryal’s <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15161#.W4zX3s4zaUk" target="_blank" rel="noopener">dispatch from New Delhi ten years ago</a>:By ignoring Indian concerns and accepting Beijing’s invitation to the Olympics closing ceremony last week, Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal set alarm bells ringing here. Indian politicians and foreign policy bureaucrats tried to play down Dahal’s ‘China card’, but the military-intelligence establishment, the opposition BJP and some hawkish commentators have voiced concerns about China’s growing influence in India’s neighborhood.‘Prachanda’s Beijing sojourn merely confirms the subcontinent’s shifting balance of power in China’s favour,’ wrote the Indian Express in an editorial on Tuesday, a view echoed by other influential commentators here. ‘Prachanda’s departure from Nepal’s natural logic for a strong relationship with India can only be understood in the context of Beijing’s new powerplay in South Asia.’<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107141112/6369048e9c7e80680e037d2cjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="509" height="813">

Sorry state

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107101152/6368d5c19c7e80680e031444jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1400" height="1050"/><figcaption>DRESS REHEARSAL: Indian Ambassador Manjeev Singh Puri is briefed on Wednesday by the pilot of an Indian Air Force helicoper that rehearsed a landing in Janakpur where Indian PM Narendra Modi will be welcomed on 11 May at the start of his visit to Nepal. PHOTOS: Ishwar Chandra Jha</figcaption></figure>When Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visits Nepal next week for the third time since becoming PM, he will not only aim to reset bilateral ties but also send signals to the Madhes, his own electorate back home, and to China.Modi will fly to Janakpur from Patna probably in an Indian Air Force helicopter on 11 May. He had wanted to enter Nepal overland, but security agencies in both countries are still assessing whether that would be a safe option.Modi will perform a puja at Janaki Temple before receiving a civic felicitation at Ranga Bhumi ground. Prime Minister KP Oli will also fly down to Janakpur to welcome Modi.In Janakpur, there is a sense of déjà vu as preparations get underway for the visit. During the November 2014 SAARC Summit in Kathmandu, Modi wanted to visit Janakpur and Muktinath. The city had been spruced up with welcome gates along the main roads (see photo, inset) when the Janakpur part of the trip was cancelled.The Sushil Koirala government did not allow Modi to cross into Nepal overland and address a mass rally in Janakpur. When Nepal insisted that Modi just worship at Janaki Temple, and not address a mass meeting, he cancelled his trip.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107101152/6368d5c49c7e80680e031445jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1400" height="1197"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Many believe that Nepal-India relations began to sour after that because Modi took the cancellation as a personal affront. Janakpur-based analyst Bhogendra Jha says, “If Modi was allowed to visit Janakpur in 2014, Nepal-India ties would not have sunk so low.”Between that aborted trip and the one next week, Nepal-India ties have gone through a roller-coaster. Modi tried to arm-twist Nepali leaders into delaying the Constitution, and when that failed he imposed a Blockade on Nepal. Anti-India sentiments ran high in Nepal, undoing gains of Modi’s successful first tip to Nepal in 2014. KP Oli, in turn, used anti-India nationalism to propel himself to power in last year’s elections.“It all began from Janakpur, but it could also end in Janakapur,” Jha adds. “Modi’s connection to Janakpur marks the end of an unwarranted chapter in Nepal-India relations.”However, many Nepalis on social media are still calling for Modi to apologise for the Blockade on an earthquake-devastated country in 2015. They also oppose the idea of a civic reception for a leader responsible for wrecking Nepal’s economy.But there is a different tone in Janakpur. Many there say the Blockade is a thing of the past and it is time to forget, forgive and move on. Janakpur’s mayor Lal Kishore Sah says: “If you keep raking up the past, you can never prepare for the future.”But many say Modi is not the kind who forgets and forgives. The importance that he has attached to Janakpur during his two-day visit shows that he wants to show Nepal’s Madhesi people he has not abandoned them. He may announce aid for a ‘Ramayana Circuit’ that will also help him with Hindu voters in Indian elections next year.NC leader Abhishek Pratap Shah says: “From Janakpur Modi wants to give a message to the Madhesi people that he could not fully champion their cause in the past but will do so in the future.”Modi is also trying to use his Nepal visit as an opportunity to send a strong message to Beijing by flying to worship at Muktinath close to the Chinese border.The Oli government is still pro-Chinese and believes Beijing has increased its influence in Nepal,” Shah adds. “From Muktinath, Modi will be signalling China that India is still a dominant player in Nepal.”

Janakpur to Janakpur

Energy is a critical ingredient for prosperity, and can be a catalyst for deeper regional integration. Energy security is a critical issue for <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/image/Cycling-Kathmandu-Lhasa,396">South Asia</a>, which is home to nearly one-fourth of the world’s population and where economies are growing by an average of nearly 7% each year.But South Asia’s GDP per capita is less than one-third of the global average, and per capita energy consumption is far below the rest of the world, hinting at unmet need in spite of increasing economic growth, industrialisation, an increasing population, and accelerating urbanisation. All of these changes increase the <a href="http://article/nation/nepal-india-thermal-power,3570" data-wplink-url-error="true">demand for electricity</a>.There have been several positive developments in energy cooperation: the 2014 SAARC Framework Agreement on Energy Cooperation and the Power Trade Agreement between India and Nepal. Bilateral frameworks between India and Bangladesh, as well as India and Bhutan, have also been strengthened. Currently, around 2,300MW of power are traded in this BBIN sub-region.These demonstrate win-win benefits for all South Asian countries. For example, Bhutan’s surplus hydropower exports to India account for 25% of its GDP. Bangladesh began importing 500MW of power from India in 2013, helping it reduce load-shedding by 70% and generate annual savings of around $500 million. India also gains by earning revenue from electricity exports.A 2015 World Bank study found that regional electricity cooperation in South Asia could lead to savings of $19 billion per year over the next 25 years. A 2017 study by the USAID-funded South Asia Regional Initiative for Energy Integration (SARI/EI) showed that accelerated power trade between India and Nepal could increase Nepal’s GDP by over $120 billion in the next 30 years.Energy cooperation is therefore not just about increasing integration but also an essential building block for regional prosperity. The US government actively supports regional energy integration in South Asia. We are committed to fostering connections from Central Asia to Southeast Asia, and everywhere in between – through increased physical infrastructure, coordinated regulatory and trade institutions, and human and digital connectivity.<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/image/Chief-of-Indian-Army-Staff-General-Dalbir-Singh-in-Kathmandu,987">Regional integration</a> is not just good for South Asia, it is good for the world, including the United States. A more stable, prosperous, and integrated South Asia is more likely when countries of the region are linked through trade agreements and have greater physical infrastructure connections. Our activities include technical training on power contracts, procurement, regulation, and electricity system modeling as well as physical infrastructure – such as the planned 300 km of electricity transmission lines in MCC’s Nepal Compact.International experience has shown that most cross-border power trade begins with bilateral interactions which provide a foundation for multilateral arrangements and transactions. South Asia is moving along this path, and the next step is to coordinate regional energy regulations and policies by:Building strong and effective regulatory regimesDesigning competitive market pricing mechanismsDeveloping solid contracts and agreementsSetting up dispute resolution mechanisms, andSupporting a technical regional coordination agency to facilitate regional planning and development.The United States looks forward to working with both the public and private sector, as well as multilateral organiations, to em-power South Asia. Pun intended.Alaina B. Teplitz is the United States Ambassador to Nepal. This Guest Editorial is adapted from her speech to the 6th SAARC Business Leaders Conclave in Kathmandu on 17 March.Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/shared-futures/">Shared futures</a>, EditorialDifferent regionalisms,  Kanak Mani Dixit<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/image/photo-exhibition,402">Forget SAARC</a> ,  Pradumna B Rana<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/image/Cycling-Kathmandu-Lhasa,396">Reimagining South Asia</a>,  Anurag Acharya

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