Guilherme Canela is Chief of the Freedom of Expression and Safety of Journalists Section of UNESCO in Paris. He recently visited Nepal to discuss <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/internet-in-everything">freedom of expression in the digital media</a>. Nepali Times spoke to him about new challenges to free media. Excerpts: Nepali Times: Can you tell us about how the discussions with Nepal’s lawmakers went? Guilherme Canela: My visit, in partnership with the Inter-Parliamentary Union, was to have an open discussion with them about international standards on freedom of expression. It was very enriching to learn the key concerns of Members of Parliament regarding the current challenges Nepal faces regarding the existing legal framework regulating the media and digital ecosystem, vis a vis the immense changes in this environment related to the technological revolution we all are experiencing, and how these challenges can be addressed in alignment with the International Human Rights Law. There is a fine balance between freedom of expression and that same freedom being used to spread intolerance and hatred. What are the main conclusions of UNESCO’s own study on the governance of digital platforms?&nbsp; Digital platforms have become a new front in the pursuit of peace. They have had a transformative role in advancing human rights. They have democratised access to knowledge and culture, enabled new voices to be heard, and fostered global connections, but, as you say, at the same time they have become <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/press-for-people">ecosystems of misinformation, disinformation, ideological polarisation, and incitement to violence, discrimination, and hate</a>.&nbsp; Such features have undermined democratic values and threatened human rights across the world. Our job, therefore, is too foster the huge positive side of this equation and to counter the negative externalities it generates. Thus, whereas the digital companies don’t operate with transparency, accountability and due diligence, many countries have embarked on regulatory processes without keeping a human rights approach as a main principle thereby risking the shrink of the civic space and leading to different kinds of restriction not aligned with International Human Rights Law. UNESCO aims to ensure that everyone’s <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/no-freedom-after-expression">freedom of expression</a>, access to information and diverse cultural content are guaranteed, while various stakeholders, including governments, deal with the problems of dis- and misinformation and hate speech online. These problems will be better addressed, in a way that aligns with international human rights law, through implementing the UNESCO Guidelines in a comprehensive and coherent manner. In a nutshell, UNESCO’s proposal, which was debated worldwide for almost 2 years, and received 10,000 comments coming from actors from 134 countries, suggests a governance system that can improve the processes currently used by the tech companies, aiming to expand freedom of expression, while dealing with the negative externalities. But when can we deem the risks so high that governments can justify restricting freedom of expression through digital platforms under international standards? The rapidly evolving digital era has seen the rise of the imposition of restrictive measures on freedom of expression and the press such as infringement on right to privacy, censorship, and the prevention of general access to the dissemination of information, both online and offline, including internet shutdowns. However, the justification for governments to restrict such freedoms on digital platforms arises when there are identifiable and/or substantial risks to public safety, national security, or individual rights which cannot be sufficiently mitigated through other means. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-should-be-open-for-south-asia">Nepal should be open for South Asia</a> In order for any restriction to be legitimate it must fulfil the criteria set out in international standards on freedom of expression, such as the Articles 19 (3) and 20 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights or the Three-Part Test, which demands that any interference must be provided for by the law, pursue a legitimate aim, and be necessary and proportional to secure one of those aims.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240326090344_61e1f3e429a81b7cb025116ed038eadcd019e4a3dc0203af4e48abaa2c81fbe3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20240326090344_61e1f3e429a81b7cb025116ed038eadcd019e4a3dc0203af4e48abaa2c81fbe3" data-rendition-name="original" width="853" height="1280" loading="lazy" alt="Guilherme Canela in Nepal "> <figcaption>Guilherme Canela(Photo: Sonia Awale)</figcaption> </figure>  In essence, any statutory restriction to freedom of expression must be subject to oversight and review mechanisms in order to uphold the principle of transparency, accountability and prevent abuse of power. While governments may be justified in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/gagging-the-press-in-installments">restricting freedom of expression</a> on digital platforms under certain circumstances, such restrictions must be carefully circumscribed to protect the fundamental rights of individuals and uphold the principles of democracy, pluralism, and open discourse in the digital age. Is there not a danger, then, that states can justify banning digital platforms using the excuse of maintaining “social harmony”? Measures applied by both companies and states should always be proportional to the harm that is intended to prevent. From companies, removal and blocking of content and account suspension should only be used as a last resort in the most serious cases. From the side of governments, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/rattled-by-criticism-nepal-bans-tiktok">banning a digital platform</a> should be proportionate to the level of harm it causes and should be accompanied by transparent processes, due diligence, due process of law and consideration of alternative measures to mitigate risks while preserving the benefits of digital platforms for legitimate users. Additionally, regulatory actions should be based on evidence-based assessments and subject to judicial review to ensure they are fair, just, and consistent with principles of freedom of expression and the rule of law. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/talking-about-tiktok">Banning digital platforms</a> can be considered proportionate in certain circumstances where their activities pose significant harm that outweighs the benefits they provide. Here are two scenarios where banning digital platforms might be considered proportionate. Systemic violation of international human rights standards: If a digital platform systemically violates international human rights standards despite warnings and sanctions. And second, Exploitative Practices: when platforms engage in exploitative practices such as facilitating illegal activities (such as child pornography) or enabling human trafficking. However, it is important to outline that our Guidelines do not call on the government to establish a department or organisation to moderate content. The Guidelines consider that digital platforms should not be held liable when they act in good faith and with due diligence, carry out voluntary investigations, or take other measures aimed at detecting, identifying, and removing or disabling access to content that is prohibited under article 20 of the ICCPR or that has been restricted in terms of article 19(3) of the ICCPR. How can journalists protect their freedoms when democracy itself is threatened? Journalists can protect their freedom by first keeping on doing their job and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/censuring-censorship">hold all powers accountable</a>. But they cannot do it alone or in a vacuum, neither should they be left alone to deal with existential safety and viability challenges. As proclaimed by all UNESCO’s member states, journalism should be valued as a fundamental ‘public good’ with citizens putting their trust in it also through teaching and encouraging media and information literacy. It demands the State protect media viability, the rule of law institutions defending media freedom from all attacks, including by elected officials, and for politicians committing to respect the fundamentals of democracy, including the role of the press as a watchdog. There is an urgent need to further demonstrate to our societies the value of journalism (and all fundamental freedoms) not only to guarantee political and civil rights, but to guarantee all other rights. When someone is protesting to have better education or better health, ultimately what they want is to protect the rights of education and a healthy life, but they can’t do that if they don’t have freedom of expression in the first place and if watchdogs, like journalists, are being silenced. Your report also cites the critical need for digital platforms to protect electoral integrity. How can this be done?&nbsp; Firstly, in UNESCO Guidelines for the Governance of the Digital Platforms, we highlight the need for Digital platforms to recognise their role in supporting democratic institutions by preserving electoral integrity. Their acceptance of the role is not trivial as it implies an engagement regarding democracies. UNESCO also recommends establishing a comprehensive risk assessment process that focuses on the integrity of the electoral cycle leading up to and during major electoral events. These assessments should be conducted transparently and in consultation with all relevant stakeholders and should include a gender perspective to address the escalating online violence against women in electoral contexts. Proactive measures based on the identified risks are essential to prevent potential threats to the integrity of the electoral process. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/dont-act-on-the-act">Don't act on the act</a>, Editorial Secondly, UNESCO urges digital platforms to ensure that users have access to a diverse range of information and ideas, in line with international human rights law. Attention should be given to automated tools to prevent any hindrances in accessing election-related content and diverse viewpoints. Additionally, digital platforms should review their products, policies, and practices related to political advertising to avoid arbitrary limitations on candidates' or parties' ability to disseminate their messages during the electoral cycle. The promotion of independent fact-checking, advertisement archives, and public alerts is highlighted as crucial measures to uphold electoral integrity in content dissemination.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240326090344_d2b0d4b66fb1632336f876e84b0e72004620937c79e36d9f94828bd8478ab937.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20240326090344_d2b0d4b66fb1632336f876e84b0e72004620937c79e36d9f94828bd8478ab937" data-rendition-name="original" width="730" height="1029" loading="lazy" alt="UNESCO guidelines for the governance of digital platforms"> </figure>  Finally, transparency is emphasised across various aspects, including the use and impact of automated tools, engagement with stakeholders and governance systems, and the identification of political advertisements. Digital platforms are responsible for disclosing funding details, applying equal content moderation rules, and tracking the monetisation of political posts. The retention of advertisements in a publicly accessible online library, along with information on funding and targeted demographics, contributes to an accountable and transparent digital environment during electoral cycles. If put in place by the platforms, these measures will collectively reinforce the commitment to preserving electoral integrity in the digital age. How can digital platforms be held more responsible when Big Tech is controlled from outside national jurisdictions whereas the impact of their content is domestic?&nbsp; The strategy for the implementation of the UNESCO Guidelines for the Governance of Digital Platforms aims to promote the enabling environment for freedom of expression and information and enhance the responsibility of digital platforms worldwide by Building a Network of Networks by fostering international collaboration and cooperation among regulatory authorities and civil society to develop common standards and regulations for digital platforms. This can help ensure that platforms adhere to responsible practices regardless of their location of ownership and may also reduce lawfare. Then there are Public-Private Partnerships to address regulatory challenges associated with digital platforms. Collaboration between governments, industry stakeholders, and civil society can facilitate the development of effective governance frameworks. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/media-melee-in-the-age-of-ai">Media mêlée in the age of AI</a>, Kunda Dixit Promoting transparency and accountability of the governance system (independent regulatory authorities) and of the digital platforms policies and practices. Human rights due diligence and content moderation and curation based on international human rights standards must be upheld. The governance system itself must have independent oversight mechanisms to monitor the activities of digital platforms within national jurisdictions. We must also empower users by providing them with tools and resources to understand and manage their online experiences through media and information literacy. This includes features for content control, privacy protection, and mechanisms for reporting harmful content or behaviour. Lastly, there must be ethical guidelines for digital platforms that prioritise transparency, fairness, and respect for human rights. These guidelines can serve as a foundation for responsible platform governance.

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Balancing free expression with fake news on social media

Us journalists have always believed that informing the public is our job and it is the editors who decide what the public needs to know.&nbsp;
In the past, the modes for sharing information were limited: when something happened, a reporter would go interview witnesses or experts, write up the story, and news agencies distributed the news. This monopoly over selection, production and dissemination convinced media owners that they owned and controlled content, and defined its price.&nbsp;
The media business is about mass producing news and getting revenue from subscriptions and advertisements to pay for it. It was any other product and media companies believed the public should pay for news because it cost them to cover it.&nbsp;
Till recently, we were forced to consume whatever the mainstream media dished out. Gatekeepers at radio, tv and newspapers gave the audience what they thought they wanted, not what they needed. &nbsp;
This left the media ill-prepared for the Internet era when competition became stiff and audiences had the freedom over format and a global reach.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/investigation-introspection-and-investment-in-media">Investigation, introspection, and investment in media</a>
While in a hurry to adopt the next shiny thing, publishers gave away for free what they previously sold. Readers anywhere could access the product, which was regularly updated and more conveniently available on their monitors, free of charge.
Audience habits had changed, but the Nepali media and its business model did not. The new online portals that emerged in the 2000s and 2010s followed the footsteps of legacy publishers, and they are now the legacy media — depending on advertising.&nbsp;
Most users in Nepal are not paying for online news, many are not even going to new sites, but to YouTube and TikTok entertainment. Publishers rarely know how many are willing to pay or can be persuaded to pay.
While surviving on 100% paywalls, membership or subscriptions is still a far-fetched dream in Nepal, reader revenue can help increase accountability among publishers and, in turn, trust from the audience.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/media-melee-in-the-age-of-ai">Media mêlée in the age of AI</a>, Kunda Dixit
Much of the digital boom in Nepali media happened alongside Facebook. Which is why many mainstream publishers did not think about establishing themselves as a destination, a homepage to come home to. They relied instead on traffic that Facebook, Twitter and other platforms brought in.
These same platforms allow people to communicate directly and have proven to be good at helping them to share information. They can now easily find what they need without relying on journalists.
But there is much Facebook users need to know beyond what they share among friends. That is where journalism comes in — to report and investigate, add context and explain, to fact check and debunk assumptions.
Recently social media platforms have been weaponised to deface media itself. This week, Twitter in Nepal has been abuzz with a leaked audio clip of a conversation between a noted tv anchor and an interviewee, in which the latter asks when the interview will be aired. The journalist is heard explaining that while the program is ready, the station was still waiting for sponsors.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/journalism-is-all-about-storytelling-and-money">Journalism is all about storytelling (and money)</a>
Most comments on the thread attack the anchor, saying this is one more proof that the media is for sale and how news is not aired unless there is money involved. There were some journalists and others who defended the anchor, saying that is how tv functions anyway. But the damage was done.&nbsp;
Public trust in the media is wavering. A 2022 survey by Sharecast Initiative showed that &nbsp;for 76% of Nepalis, friends, family and neighbours were the primary source for local news and information: for national and international news it was 50%. Both were followed by Facebook, radio, YouTube and tv.
Media literacy in Nepal is low. Audiences confuse mainstream media for social media, opinion, or unfiltered content for news, and YouTubers for professional journalists. But pushing the accountability towards the audience is not the answer when the question is what can journalists do to change this.
Just when its role in safeguarding democracy and press freedom has become more important than ever before, journalism struggles to survive and retain its relevance. This ends up undermining the independent check-and-balance role of the fourth estate in defending democracy.
All this may look discouraging, but the internet, like all technologies, has always been a double edged sword. The only way out now is to compete with the entertainment-filled social channels and information pages masking as news sites, by focusing both on the content and the medium.
More than ever before, the medium is the message.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/the-new-news-age">The new news age</a>, Sonia Awale

Monopoly on information

The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/himal-media-mela-2022-726cqsd6">Himal Media Mela</a> 2023 sponsored by Ncell, opened on the World Press Freedom on 3 May in Kathmandu with practitioners from Nepal and the region examining journalism and how it can be meaningful and survive. “Press freedom is not just for journalists, it is a right of every citizen. We journalists have to safeguarded it,” said co-publisher of Himalmedia Kunda Dixit in his opening remarks. The theme of this year’s two-day Himal Media Media is ‘trust and introspection’ at a time when media has undergone a massive transformation in the recent years.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230503120548_357accde61295e6a0914d0e23d94d8e7718160d4effa0ff69d68a222a08ee4b3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20230503120548_357accde61295e6a0914d0e23d94d8e7718160d4effa0ff69d68a222a08ee4b3" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1366" loading="lazy" alt="Himal Media Mela 2023"> <figcaption>Himalmedia co-publisher Kunda Dixit giving his opening remarks. Photos: Gopen Rai and Suman Nepali</figcaption> </figure>  Legacy media and new portals alike are now vying for both readership and revenue with TikTok, YouTube and Facebook. And now with the use of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/media-melee-in-the-age-of-ai">AI in the newsrooms</a>, there is a real question about the relevance of traditional journalism. On the other hand, with the proliferation of mis- and disinformation, the public's trust in mainstream media is eroding rapidly. The pressure to be the quickest to disseminate news without fact-checking information hasn’t helped matters.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/media-as-the-custodian-of-people">Media as the custodian of the people</a>, Shristi Karki Added Dixit: “Nepal has entered a new decade, but we have more or less the same leaders, the same disputes, the same reactive media content that we have seen over the past two decades. Besides trying to find a new role for media in the age of AI, Nepal’s traditional press also needs to turn the gaze on itself.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230503120544_c6cde8ff92cbbc50ff69aa71e5b53bd68997f497c5077a1e3401231a9bccab4e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20230503120544_c6cde8ff92cbbc50ff69aa71e5b53bd68997f497c5077a1e3401231a9bccab4e" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1366" loading="lazy" alt="Himal Media Mela 2023"> <figcaption>Keynote speaker Siddharth Varadarajan, Founding Editor of The Wire.</figcaption> </figure>  Keynote speaker Siddhartha Varadarajan, the Founding Editor of The Wire said the media is under great threats and challenges even as there is a greater consciousness of human rights and democracy across the world. “Historically when democracy has come under strain and perished, it has because of the collapse of open, free democratic media,” said Varadarajan, giving next-door India’s example. “In Nepal, media freedom is seen as something sacrosanct. It is powerful that Nepal is a meeting place for Southasia when other countries are happy to close their borders to ideas.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230503120544_1fc71ce0f69a74e5a161d20971370e9f84ee3e46ed15adb132cdc5815b71330a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20230503120544_1fc71ce0f69a74e5a161d20971370e9f84ee3e46ed15adb132cdc5815b71330a" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1366" loading="lazy" alt="Himal Media Mela 2023"> </figure>  But just as social media and digital platforms have made it easier for the dissemination of news and content to reach more audience, technology has also allowed the government and censurers to further restrict and control media like the use of a spyware Pegasus for the surveillance of journalists. Reporters and publication houses are also being increasingly harassed with defamation, sedition and criminal charges. Worse, they are threatened with physical harm. Many journalists in the region have in fact lost their lives for their critical voice. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/paradigm-shift-in-nepali-media">Paradigm shift in Nepali media</a>, Shristi Karki But perhaps the biggest change for mainstream media today is to sustain itself. Journalism today has an even more important role in safeguarding democracy and press freedom against populist demagogues but media companies are at their financially weakest. And a f<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-new-news-age">inancially weak media is not politically independent</a>.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230503120544_372ba75c18c86065d1602425214026342bac2d4929359dd5f4a7df8c6b9a77b1.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20230503120544_372ba75c18c86065d1602425214026342bac2d4929359dd5f4a7df8c6b9a77b1" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1366" loading="lazy" alt="Himal Media Mela 2023"> </figure>  "The less media rely on government favours, large companies and sponsors, and more on your subscription, donation and contribution from your readers, viewers and the civic society, the more it will be sustainable and credible,” added Varadarajan who set up The Wire to be a non-profit digital platform. He also warned media and civil society in Nepal not to be complacent. “Don’t take Nepal’s openness for granted, guard it and protect it,” he said.&nbsp; Media and coverage of evolving geopolitics In the first panel of the day, speakers Sudheer Sharma of Kantipur and Kanak Mani Dixit of Himalmedia delved into increasing interest of India, China and now the United States in Nepal as the battle for regional dominance intensifies.  <figure> <img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230503120544/90033c822b9a057369e821f5c28cd7ab216da08b6225af1f0c9d0a937074b802.jpg" alt="" /> <figcaption>First panel of the day, Media and coverage of evolving geopolitics. </figcaption> </figure>  This has further heightened the importance of how Nepali media balances its coverage with India-Sino and US-Sino relations arguably at its most fragile. “In Delhi, Nepal and our media is seen as pro-China whereas when I was in Beijing, I could see that the Chinese thought we have been Americanised following the ratification of the MCC,” said Sharma who is the editor of the largest daily in Nepal, Kantipur.&nbsp; He added: "But at a time when there are more challenges due to the increased geopolitical tension which needs to be tackled with zeal and alertness, the ability of our organisation and leadership seems to have dininished." Sharma also stressed that Nepali media’s coverage of geopolitics focused too much on political diplomacy and not much on economic diplomacy even as Nepal tries to export its hydropower surplus to India.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230503120544_58fc10d372333add459796f274b8b12f2437f8832d286193aa498259f9c92d44.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20230503120544_58fc10d372333add459796f274b8b12f2437f8832d286193aa498259f9c92d44" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1366" loading="lazy" alt="Himal Media Mela 2023"> <figcaption>Speaker Sudheer Sharma, editor of Kantipur.</figcaption> </figure>  The installed capacity of hydropower projects in Nepal is expected to cross 3,000MW this monsoon and another 3,200MW will be added to the grid in the next three years. With domestic consumption at just 1,600MW, the only other alternative is to export surplus, except India doesn’t buy power from projects with Chinese investment or contractors. In fact, India is edging China out of Nepal’s river projects as water becomes a strategic commodity. “Media is raising these issues to an extent but that discourse is never really brought to the light because of politics and our parties,” said Kanak Mani Dixit, co-publisher of Himalmedia. “Nepal is the oldest nation-state in South Asia, but Nepali politicians have often put Nepal’s geopolitics on the line for their interests.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230503120544_b0793aa82c9936af1b4dc2dcc10b38a503af060f319fa13f9f7f0b7d2b3e4336.jpg" data-media-id="editor_11" data-image-id="20230503120544_b0793aa82c9936af1b4dc2dcc10b38a503af060f319fa13f9f7f0b7d2b3e4336" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1366" loading="lazy" alt="Himal Media Mela 2023"> <figcaption>Speaker Kanak Mani Dixit, co-publisher of Himalmedia.</figcaption> </figure>  Ahead of the 2024 elections in India, speakers also warned of politicised use of Hindutva in Nepal and that Nepali media needs to be alert so as not to let the pincer of Hindutva enter our politics and society. “Nepal is too diverse a society to be defined by one form of Hindutva or the other but we have groups who wish these sentiments to flourish in Nepal but it is up to the media to take this up,” remarked Dixit. He added: "Nepal is a meeting place for South Asia and has to remain an open space for itself and for the region. And the media has to realise this soft power of Nepal." Data Journalism Data is crucial for good journalism. Paper trails and data mining have led to some of the biggest money laundering exposes. Data supported journalism has led to constructive discourse in a longer term. "In any developing or developed economy, availability of data, its quality and depth help citizens as well as policymakers to form democratic decisions. Data allows better discourse, it is critical when forming unbiased and objective judgement in any issue" said guest speaker Govindraj Ethiraj of IndiaSpend and BOOM FactCheck as he presented various case studies to prove the point.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230503120544_319b0473f2a9d48dcb88a78a8e6aae2f179046880baeecc45ff8d7146fb527ca.jpg" data-media-id="editor_12" data-image-id="20230503120544_319b0473f2a9d48dcb88a78a8e6aae2f179046880baeecc45ff8d7146fb527ca" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1366" loading="lazy" alt="Himal Media Mela 2023"> <figcaption>Govindraj Ethiraj of IndiaSpend during his session on data journalism.</figcaption> </figure>  IndiaSpend found out that 12PM at noon has the best air quality in India for a walk, mornings were the worst much like in Kathmandu. They also found that odd-even vehicle rule did not actually help reduce air pollution in Delhi. Ethiraj also briefed the audience about an on-going project to measure methane emission in India, which they found out was among the biggest polluters in India with the country being the fourth biggest emitter. But oftentimes, it is hard to access data, either because they are withheld or because it is very time consuming to crunch all the numbers and clean them up. Other times, there is simply no data.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023050313050_ed561208530ccbdf6b979738adc90851da17cad7b4ccfd692deab0f6b2e19c8b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_13" data-image-id="2023050313050_ed561208530ccbdf6b979738adc90851da17cad7b4ccfd692deab0f6b2e19c8b" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1366" loading="lazy" alt="Himal Media Mela 2023"> </figure>  “There will be data gaps especially on critical matters but let us ask for better quality data, more data but equally use the data that is already there in your hand to build high quality journalism which is really critical in this time and day. And project that data in a way people can make sense of it,” added Ethiraj. Given the importance of data in storytelling, there is often a question of whether the story comes first or data. Said Ethiraj: "Truth is, they go together. As much data, as many stories. This aids us in making unbiased opinions and objectives, presents a clearer picture, and empower people with better understanding."

Nepal should be open for South Asia

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/637216cd9c7e80680e0ba9b3jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1100" height="1269"/><figcaption>Illustration: DIWAKAR CHETTRI</figcaption></figure>The past two years have accelerated the trends already buffeting the media industry pre-Covid: migration of readers and advertisers from legacy to digital media, entertainment replacing information, a losing battle against fake content, and so on.Kitty videos went viral even as the virus shut society down. Social media became the new mass media.Till three years ago in Nepal, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/how-nepals-media-landscape-is-being-transformed/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/how-nepals-media-landscape-is-being-transformed/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1651624304899000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3t8DpuKSKgqz-bOvPRD1R3">‘Facebook’ was synonymous with ‘Internet’</a>. But in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/new-news/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/new-news/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1651624304899000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3CLJ3__F60u9ijYJAn_Bsz">2019 YouTube users overtook Facebook</a>, and now a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/huge-uptick-in-tiktok-during-nepal-lockdown/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">TikTok takeover</a> makes dance routines on the platform consume nearly a quarter of the country’s bandwidth.The power and reach of global digital platforms and online portals have transformed the way people stay informed, while <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/the-message-is-the-medium-2/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/the-message-is-the-medium-2/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1651624304899000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3_LES6c-wOoyW5ET4vUl3F">some prefer to be deliberately disinformed</a>. Since digital content can be manipulated and multiplied, it is easier for populism to replace pluralism.As algorithms radicalise voters and confine them to echo chambers, elected demagogues across the world threaten democracies, and despots get voted to power.The print media in Nepal went fully digital during the 2020 lockdowns, and even though revenue plummeted, readership hit the roof. Newspapers like this one resumed print editions and reclaimed <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/guest-editorial/readers-editorial,1059" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/guest-editorial/readers-editorial,1059&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1651624304899000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3UUu5VRVBiBEucIhJFjFPt">loyal hardcopy readers</a>, but there are many times more users online now for multimedia content. The economics of the media business has also changed, possibly forever.Nepal’s economy was just beginning to recover from the downturn caused by the pandemic when <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/ukraine-crisis-hits-nepal-economy-hard/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">the war in Ukraine</a> scored another direct hit on <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/the-geopolitics-of-food/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">fuel and food prices</a> worsening hard currency reserves and the country’s balance of payments.New restrictions on bank loans and imports have hit businesses hard, and this has had a direct impact on advertising -- the main source of revenue for media companies.Just when its role in safeguarding democracy and press freedom has become more vital than ever before, journalism struggles to survive and retain its relevance. This ends up <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/censuring-censorship/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">undermining the independent check and balance role</a> of the fourth estate in defending democracy.Nepal’s media practitioners need to be more vigilant than ever -- especially at a time when we see the largest, oldest and most vibrant democracies in the region and around the world being dismantled by leaders who have co-opted democratic institutions to propel themselves to power and remain there.All this may look pretty discouraging for those who believe in an open society, and value tolerance, inclusiveness, and the freedom to express themselves. But the Internet has always been a double-edged sword, like all other technologies that preceded it.Fake news, disinformation and gossip did not begin with the social web. They are as old as the written word itself. Elon Musk calls Twitter the global ‘town square’, but town squares through history have also been violent places – unleashing lynch mobs, witch hunts, burnings at the stake and public hangings.There are equivalents of early newspapers inciting pogroms in Russia and Germany, later of radio in Rwanda sparking genocide. The only difference with online posts is their instantaneous amplification and global reach. And effect of this can be fast and brutal, as seen by the calls for mass killings of the Rohingya in Facebook posts, and lynchings in India triggered by WhatsApp groups.Cancel culture, trolling and cyber-lynching by bot armies also dampen voices calling for moderation, science-based decision making, and acceptance of diversity.<a style="font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/dont-act-on-the-act/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Attempts to regulate Internet content</a> collide head on with accepted norms of free speech. Where does one draw the line? It might first be important to distinguish between ‘journalism’ broadly defined on the one hand, and on the other, posts inciting violence or troll factories manufacturing hate on assembly lines.These and other issues will be the subject of the day-long ‘Connectivity in the Age of Disinformation’ conference at the Himal Media Mela on 7 May, marking Himalmedia’s own 25th anniversary year. Media practitioners will be taking stock of the media’s role in these changed circumstances.The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-death-of-print-is-exaggerated/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">death of print media is exaggerated</a>. There is still power in print because the powerful read it. A survey in 2020 also showed that most Nepalis were not reading print media because <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/new-news/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/new-news/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1651624304899000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3CLJ3__F60u9ijYJAn_Bsz">roadside shops had stopped stocking newspapers</a> and magazines.That survey by <a href="https://www.sharecast.org.np/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.sharecast.org.np/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1651624304899000&amp;usg=AOvVaw0zGgEqvlW8X0_WPVzK5j2c">Sharecast Initiative Nepal</a> revealed 96% of Nepalis had mobile phones, and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/new-news/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/new-news/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1651624304899000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3CLJ3__F60u9ijYJAn_Bsz">showed that</a> 94% of those following the mainstream press are still reading the paper newspaper because they found it more ‘trustworthy’. Although respondents said they used social media platforms, more than 90% said they did not believe everything in it.And that is the niche that Nepal’s mainstream press now need to fill: to be the credible source of news, present verified facts, correct online falsehoods, as well as to explain, interpret and analyse events and trends.Gazing into the future, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-new-reality-of-nepals-virtual-celebrities/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-new-reality-of-nepals-virtual-celebrities/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1651624304899000&amp;usg=AOvVaw2KtE3bnQpem6LSBL3c-go4">social media</a> platforms will be useful dissemination tools, social media platforms will be even more entertainment-driven, and it will be the papers and their digital editions with credibility and exclusive content that will stay afloat.

Internet in everything

<img width="1135" height="975" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101148/63720ee49c7e80680e0b7943jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>Nepal’s governments have been biologically incapable of going to the root of any issue to find solutions. Instead, they introduce <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-town-to-ban-mothers-migrating/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">knee-jerk rules and banket bans that impinge on citizens’ rights</a>.
The latest is the 11th amendment to the National Broadcasting Regulation in the Nepal Gazette. Like all previous ill thought out rules, this one is vague, contradictory, and unconstitutional.
The new amendment seeks to regulate Over the Top (OTT), Video on Demand (VOD) and internet television in Nepal. OTT is the service of displaying tv programs through the internet without using direct-to-home cable or satellite. It also includes media streaming services through other online platforms.  
Now, any individual or organisation uploading a video via internet tv ‘on a regular basis’ needs to register. The licensing fee is Rs500,000. 
The National Broadcasting Regulation is concerned with frequency allocation, not the internet. Regulating <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/mobile-nepal-is-hooked-on-youtube/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">net content </a>is not the purview of broadcast rules.
Advocate Prabin Subedi explains that the National Broadcasting Act does not regulate the internet. The government is trying to restrict the freedom of choice of citizens. 
Any new law should either try to solve a problem or to facilitate a solution. But this is not just a clumsy attempt to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/no-freedom-after-expression/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">restrict freedom of expression</a>, but a blunt sword that can be used to go after anyone the government does not like. For example, what is a ‘regular broadcast’? Once a month? Once a week? When is an occasional post ‘regular’?
Even if it is to regulate ‘regular’ social media content, it should go through an internet specific law like the proposed<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/rule-by-law/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer"> Information Technology Bill</a>. If it is about a tax on the earnings of online/social media it should be governed by corporate or taxation laws, explains Santosh Sigdel of Digital Rights Nepal.
Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/gagging-the-press-in-installments/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Gagging the press in installments</a>, Sewa Bhattarai
By its very nature, the internet is an <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/digitial-path-to-social-buffers-in-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">open ecosystem where people can communicate openly</a>. Nepal's Constitution guarantees freedom of expression, and the country is also party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), Article 19. 
The amendment is against the Constitution because it limits freedom of expression. This is like needing a license to speak up.
After a public outcry, officials have tried to justify the amendment. But even if this is an attempt to curb fake news, open defamation and mala fide YouTube videos, it is crude and ham-handed. Instead of introducing draconian regulations, the emphasis should have been on spreading media literacy among citizens. 
Sigdel told us the problem is that the government just does not understand the Internet’s convergence of text, video, audio and graphics. It is still trying to regulate them individually. It is clear that in this <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-local-election-gives-power-back-to-people/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">year of elections</a>,  politicians are concerned about the influence of social media content.
“Content cannot be regulated by state’s intervention. Most people can distinguish between genuine and fake news on YouTube, and we can create awareness through media literacy,” says Subedi.
Nepal appears to be following the example of its neighbours in subduing internet content. China has its Great Firewall, and last year India introduced controversial rules that have been used selectively to target opponents while allowing hate speech on other platforms. In February, Bangladesh came up with a draft regulation similar to India’s IT rules to curb social and digital media including OTT platforms. It is as if countries are exchanging notes on the most effective way to muzzle the media. 
Successive governments in Nepal have tried to constrict the public sphere, the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/in-a-surveillance-state/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">right to privacy </a>and media freedom through various bills and regulations. Their vagueness is deliberately designed for arbitrary application against people the government does not like. 
Nepal today stands as a beacon of press freedom in a region where the mediascape is increasingly constricted. Our lawmakers and bureaucrats should abandon the notion that they can suppress free expression just because other countries have. 
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/protecting-free-speech-on-nepals-cybersphere/">Protecting free speech on Nepal’s cybersphere</a>, Sabina Devkota

Sahina Shrestha

Don't act on the Act

<figure><img width="1914" height="1078" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141132/636cfd739c7e80680e0a0be5jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>TOLOnews female presenter Beheshta Arghand interviewing Taliban spokesperson Mawlawi Abdulhaq Hemad on 17 August. Photo: TOLONews</figcaption></figure>Steven Butler describes it as “mass panic.” As the Taliban seized control of Afghanistan, CPJ’s Asia program coordinator has been fielding “hundreds and hundreds” of daily pleas from journalists asking for help to flee the country.Butler, along with CPJ Asia research associate Sonali Dhawan and the organisation’s Emergencies team, are now in the process of vetting those requests.Many Afghan journalists told CPJ they are too afraid to speak on the record. To get a picture of what’s happening on the ground, I spoke to Butler and Dhawan via video about what they have learned. Their interview has been edited for length and clarity.CPJ contacted Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid for comment via messaging app but received no response. CPJ also emailed the US State Department for comment but received no response; several calls to the US military failed to connect.When did CPJ begin getting requests for help from Afghan journalists?Butler: The requests for help from journalists who wanted to leave Afghanistan because they saw the Taliban coming started early this year. It was a trickle at the time and then it started to crescendo in July and increased by early August.We are getting hundreds and hundreds of requests for help every day now. Many of them are journalists and some of them are not journalists, they are just trying to find a way out. It has completely flooded our system. We are doing the best we can. We have four people working on analysing and looking into individual cases.We value our reputation for thorough documentation on everything we do and are applying our same standard to this — we are trying to document the cases as the best we can, because we are recommending them to the US government for emergency evacuation.What can you tell us about the <a href="http://support.cpj.org/site/R?i=tAXPZ997p8VyLOXlEG5WpXOYJYccbznnQXx7atpHJ0Y9PHCkdDZJCw" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://support.cpj.org/site/R?i%3DtAXPZ997p8VyLOXlEG5WpXOYJYccbznnQXx7atpHJ0Y9PHCkdDZJCw&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1629510828623000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGCqxZ-wUJ8YMOcX2o7uKDtOES31w">chaotic scenes</a> at the airport and what it means for journalists?Butler: As of Tuesday the area has been secured and there is a perimeter. Anytime you have a military perimeter you have a problem, because there is an outside and there is an inside, and the outside is going to be controlled by the Taliban in one way or another, so the challenge has been to figure out how to get people through an insecure situation on the streets of Kabul, how to get them checked in through this military perimeter including additional checks by the U.S. military, and then get them on to flights. We have had people that have failed to get through.Why are Afghan journalists so desperate to leave?Butler: As the Taliban have extended their control over the provinces, we have seen them close down media outfits and <a href="http://support.cpj.org/site/R?i=3fUbZQcSQYFqWpL-dwGEB-4MS14XqK8R6sw7iAugpFl_CbEaiXS6YQ" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://support.cpj.org/site/R?i%3D3fUbZQcSQYFqWpL-dwGEB-4MS14XqK8R6sw7iAugpFl_CbEaiXS6YQ&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1629510828624000&amp;usg=AFQjCNH3U94F5cWgjTNsQM6z8fSoaio6Tg">substitute their own personnel</a>. That hasn’t always led to people being killed or put in prison necessarily, but nonetheless journalists in Afghanistan are concerned that they are going to be pushed out of their profession — at the minimum. There are a number of very prominent journalists who have been harassed or chased by the Taliban and who have gone into hiding.What specific threats against journalists are you hearing about?Dhawan: Journalists who identify as women and ethnic minorities, specifically the Hazara, are at particular risk. The Hazara are an ethnic minority group who were <a href="http://support.cpj.org/site/R?i=8nGSPAHFTNAWHtl_cNVp0Wa-r7pbWq-QxXfogE0UCQrF2RSlaPPrhA" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://support.cpj.org/site/R?i%3D8nGSPAHFTNAWHtl_cNVp0Wa-r7pbWq-QxXfogE0UCQrF2RSlaPPrhA&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1629510828624000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHqhW6Cirn_7bswdFN_VSBwiX3r5g">subject to mass killings</a> during the Taliban regime in the late 1990s. Journalists who have critically covered the Taliban are also terrified.I spoke to a journalist who was covering the Taliban takeover of a northern province — the Taliban came to his home after his reporting and they chased him out of the home. He ran away and they fired shots behind him and he managed to escape and get to Kabul. In the days after he escaped, he continued to receive calls that said, “We will find you.” Another prominent female journalist told me she received threatening calls in recent days from the Taliban that said, “Your time is over.”One other case that I want to highlight is the <a href="http://support.cpj.org/site/R?i=lWRvPuQPHAoqNEAFyEtUoE88mQd6fvQj2SodOxze7cJIZrvXGVTtwQ" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://support.cpj.org/site/R?i%3DlWRvPuQPHAoqNEAFyEtUoE88mQd6fvQj2SodOxze7cJIZrvXGVTtwQ&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1629510828624000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEJ6eWfIffJYNj3zyqYdhc_iL5VZA">takeover</a> of the TOLO News compound, which is arguably the most prominent news channel in Afghanistan, a 24-hour channel that has covered a wide range of events and produced very critical coverage as part of this post-2001 media boom in Afghanistan.The Taliban have interestingly taken over the compound but are still allowing journalists to broadcast, and female journalists <a href="http://support.cpj.org/site/R?i=2P3ZTjVgDO-LEkXCst0KZnzUc0h--kDD3PboiZx6h-dO7MriTtIB8A" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://support.cpj.org/site/R?i%3D2P3ZTjVgDO-LEkXCst0KZnzUc0h--kDD3PboiZx6h-dO7MriTtIB8A&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1629510828624000&amp;usg=AFQjCNELg6vESSGc2YbiIVZ45Td__kwZyA">actually came back</a> on the air today. But we are seeing that a number of women and ethnic minority journalists are continuing to be threatened and the Taliban are showing up at their homes. <figure><img width="2186" height="1168" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141132/636cfd779c7e80680e0a0be6jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption>Taliban spokesperson Zabihullah Mujahid addresses the first press conference in Kabul on 17 August following the Taliban’s takeover of Afghanistan. Photo: VOA News</figcaption></figure>What is the Taliban presence like at TOLO News? Butler: It looks like the Taliban have stationed armed people around the outside of the compound mainly. When they entered the premises [on August 16] they took away government issued weapons from <a href="https://tolonews.com/pa/afghanistan-174313" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">TOLO</a> security but they allowed privately purchased weapons to remain.People who have watched the recent news broadcast say it is much toned down. The women are appearing with headscarves and more conservative dress. It is really unclear what is going to happen and why the Taliban have taken what seems to be a softer approach to TOLO compared to other radio or broadcast operations in the provinces.Are they trying to create a kind of appearance for the international community because TOLO is the best known? That is one possibility. Have they changed? They say they welcome press freedom and they are allowing women to operate in certain professional positions. I don’t think that people are taking what they say at face value. There is a lot of skepticism given the documented <a href="http://support.cpj.org/site/R?i=Qm8S0bLLVJ7VWAdng49e6NWxgMgLeRu8YDifWhwF3EytCs8gDPhfBQ" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://support.cpj.org/site/R?i%3DQm8S0bLLVJ7VWAdng49e6NWxgMgLeRu8YDifWhwF3EytCs8gDPhfBQ&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1629510828624000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHgoIizaupuirfDUabrDxt4LdLRDg">history of brutality</a> by the Taliban.What specifically did the Taliban say about press freedom?Dhawan: The Taliban spokesperson, Zabihullah Mujahid, <a href="http://support.cpj.org/site/R?i=GTQHMjGHuQmSkAGZG2mdL8hgbEKDt4Najm_LKtnaY6TDn_wbiLITRw" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://support.cpj.org/site/R?i%3DGTQHMjGHuQmSkAGZG2mdL8hgbEKDt4Najm_LKtnaY6TDn_wbiLITRw&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1629510828624000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFbY5li5mrgvjiJPdjQ-a5i3T2YNQ">conducted a press conference</a> and it really goes to show how brave Afghan journalists are because they were asking really tough questions, particularly about women in the country.He said the Taliban will allow all media outlets to continue their activities on three conditions, the first being there should be no broadcast that will contradict Islamic values, the second that they should be impartial, the third that no one should broadcast anything against the national interest. What we are seeing on the public platform is not matching the realities on the ground, because several radio stations in provinces, newspapers, and news outlets have <a href="http://support.cpj.org/site/R?i=4Iz0EHIu5_DpwD3wuGtdDC-JY9cff80wRXnyIURB4EOTpk1LlP7ZbA" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://support.cpj.org/site/R?i%3D4Iz0EHIu5_DpwD3wuGtdDC-JY9cff80wRXnyIURB4EOTpk1LlP7ZbA&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1629510828624000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFhf6nM1WfeS3vuyfaHKJPHmVUVLQ">shut down amid fighting</a> as the Taliban took over.What is the Taliban trying to convey with these comments about press freedom?Butler: I would look on it pessimistically. Governments use this kind of double talk all over the region and all over the world to find ways to restrict what journalists do. It could well be that the Taliban have seen what other countries are doing in terms of rhetoric and are imitating it.It is a fact that democracy and press freedom are values that are universally spoken about but only rarely fully embraced. I think that we may see that pattern repeat itself in Afghanistan. Hopefully not. Hopefully they actually believe what they are saying, but we will have to see.You mentioned that female journalists are at particular risk. What else are you hearing from women?Dhawan: Most of the female journalists I have spoken to are absolutely terrified and have left their homes and gone into hiding somewhere. This is because there are several local reports of women journalists who have had their homes searched or the Taliban have showed up at their homes. And that is a particularly traumatising experience.A lot of women journalists who work in the fields of arts and culture or education are equally terrified. I know of several women journalists that work in these fields and are actively receiving threats from the Taliban. The Taliban did show up at the home of one very prominent journalist and said they would come back to her home and are looking for her.What other journalistic beats could draw the attention of the Taliban?Butler: Journalists have a history of their own work that lives on social media. I have been told that many journalists are now trying to scrub their social media profiles and deleting articles to try to hide that past. It is hard to say going forward what are going to be the sensitive issues, but journalists who were highly critical of the Taliban in the past could face a kind of reckoning.There’s a journalist I have been in touch with quite a lot. He and his wife were able to get out. But they are desperate now to get their families out. They say that the Taliban is going to go after their families because of their highly critical reporting on the Taliban in the past. I don’t know if that is going to be the case. I hope it is not. But they are convinced that their families will be killed.You described a “media boom” in Afghanistan after 2001. Can you say more about what is at risk of being lost at this moment?Dhawan: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/call-to-evacuate-afghan-journalists/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Afghan journalists</a> have done incredibly thoughtful and diligent work over the past 20 years to build a thriving press. They have braved the dangers of a military occupation, the presence of militant groups in the country and they have reported critically during these extremely dangerous times.The precipitous withdrawal of U.S. forces from Afghanistan has led to a complete collapse of the government and security forces, leaving journalists at severe risk of violence. There are simply no avenues for journalists to seek protection from authorities and they are essentially relying on their own community, their neighbours, and family members for protection at this point.As much as there is a need for journalists to get out of the country and CPJ is doing its best to do that work, journalists who want to remain in the country must be allowed to freely report on the extent of a humanitarian crisis that is about to occur.Butler: The international community totally failed to create a stable democracy, but they did succeed in creating a thriving press. There was a lot of money – US government money, USAID, private foundation money — to support and get these operations going because of course a free press is the absolute foundation of democracy. It stuck.We had a <a href="http://support.cpj.org/site/R?i=C3l9uYxO5cc-ndmCYIfcz__Str-VhI1hJJ1tFo1n3uKsDH6ZjkofdQ" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://support.cpj.org/site/R?i%3DC3l9uYxO5cc-ndmCYIfcz__Str-VhI1hJJ1tFo1n3uKsDH6ZjkofdQ&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1629510828624000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGQBEOeZRNkd6kUMGfd-GWYKvqQQQ">case</a> a couple of weeks ago of people being forced into an interview with a Taliban local commander and made to promise that they would broadcast the interview. They came back and refused to do it because it wasn’t good journalism just to broadcast one side, so they went into hiding in Kabul.They got some of the lessons of what good journalism consists of and if you look at TOLO News, all these news outlets, a lot of it is quality journalism. And, of course, the international press relied heavily on local journalists. This is really a remarkable achievement and it would be a terrible shame for it to disappear completely. It would be wonderful for some of that spirit of press freedom and quality journalism and reporting to live on even if the previous government, the collapsed government of Afghanistan, no longer exists.Is there anything else that has struck you from this past week that you’d like to share?Dhawan: I was in contact with a journalist who is being actively threatened by the Taliban. She has been messaging me every day, afraid for her life. She is sheltered in a hotel right now and I told her we are working with the U.S. government to evacuate her and will continue to provide updates about her case as soon as we receive them. She said, “I may not be alive by that time.”Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/afghanistan-abandoned/"> Afganisthan abandoned</a>, Aunohita MojumdarNaomi Zeveloff is Features Editor at Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ). This interview is reprinted from Inter Press Service.

“I may not be alive by the time I am evacuated”

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109141136/636bada79c7e80680e077fa8jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/><figcaption>A glimpse of enough Is Enough campaign in Kathmandu. Photo: MONIKA DEUPALA</figcaption></figure>Civil society around the world faces serious restrictions on its freedom to express and engage in activism to defend human rights following the COVID-19 pandemic, a report by Forus International and the Asia Development Alliance (ADA) has concluded.Titled ‘Realising the Potential of Goal 16 of the 2030 Agenda’ was published last week with 18 civic space cases studies from countries, including Nepal. It highlights how the pandemic has exacerbated and deepened existing problems faced by civil society organisations (CSOs) by constricting their work environment.“Civic space was already under pressure before the pandemic,” said Sarah Strack of Forus. “A vibrant and independent civil society is vital to fulfil its role in the implementation of SDGs. Progress will be correlated to the extent to which meaningful civic space will be secured at local, national, regional and international levels.”The report says the SDGs (the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals for 2030) will be severely affected by state responses to the coronavirus crisis, and the pressure on non-governmental actors.A key trend in almost all of the case studies included in the report is unwarranted state restriction on civic space -- on the freedom of expression, assembly and association of civil society in many countries around the world.Says Philip Alston, former UN Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights: “The responses to COVID-19 in many countries has only made the situation worse as governments have opportunistically used the pandemic as a justification to further clamp down on civil society.”<a style="font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/media-muzzle/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Targeting free speech can take various forms</a>. In Cambodia, several journalists have been arrested or threatened because of their reporting on the COVID-19 pandemic. A blogger on the Pacific island of Samoa was jailed for seven weeks for allegedly defaming the Prime Minister. CSOs and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/lockdown-crackdown/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">independent media groups have been ‘muted'</a> in many countries from Nepal to Colombia.The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) in its 18th annual report released earlier this year on the World Press Freedom day also said that the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/south-asia-tightening-press-controls-amidst-covid-19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">pandemic has worsened the lack of safety for journalists in South Asia</a> as controls on media freedom were tightened across the region.The Internet and social media has been especially targeted by authorities to curtail dissent, but civil society organisations around the world have used virtual spaces to become more vocal and exchange information to efficiently defend offline space. One example of this is <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/social-movement-through-social-media/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepal’s Enough Is Enough campaign that first started on social media</a>.Thousands of youth took to streets demanding better response to the pandemic with some of them participating in a hunger strike that lasted 12 days before <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/12-point-deal-after-12-days-of-hunger-strike/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">an agreement was reached earlier this month</a>  However, some activists resumed their hunger strike in Kathmandu on Sunday.A global campaign involving Forus International and concerned stakeholders will call for new civic space indicators to be developed that will measure the efforts of UN Member States to protect fundamental freedoms in accordance with international human rights standards and national human rights laws.Nepal’s treatment of civil society and their advocacy will be crucial as the country <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/will-nepal-get-2nd-term-at-unhrc/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">prepares for a second term</a> at the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) amidst poor record on transitional justice at home.For the social recovery from the COVID-19 crisis to be sustainable and resilient, a return to business as usual must be avoided, stated the report. It further explains that the building back better narrative and plans must be comprehensive, covering all policy areas and creating more space for civil society in the development, implementation and monitoring.Says Forus International: “We believe progressive governments, international and regional institutions, philanthropic organisations and civil society now need to take bold steps to counter the shrinking of civic space and to develop global partnerships to tackle the issue.”

COVID-19 shrinks civic space

Retailing for Rs20 and running to a full 20 pages, the ‘demo issue’ of the Nepali Times, <a href="http://himalaya.socanth.cam.ac.uk/collections/journals/nepalitimes/pdf/Nepali_Times_000.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">NT #0</a>, was printed and distributed in early July 2000 (below). Its ambitious masthead asserted that it was (or perhaps would be) ‘Nepal’s Top Newspaper’. This was at the height of Nepal’s civil conflict, and the front cover led with the headline ‘The people don’t want war’. Alongside ran a ‘Publisher’s Note’ extolling the virtues of fairness, objectivity and professionalism in the media, and pushing back against the dominant cynicism of the time.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101148/636b77a79c7e80680e06464bjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="466" height="578"/><figcaption>Front page of Nepali Times Issue #0.</figcaption></figure>Many of the contributors to this demo issue would go on to become regular columnists, including C K Lal with his ever-thoughtful ‘<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=11070#.XmEw8XIzbIU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">State of the State</a>’, the late and direct Barbara Adams and her ‘Barbs’, Sujeev Shakya writing under the pseudonym Artha Beed in a wide-ranging column entitled ‘<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=11111#.XmEw7nIzbIU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Economic Sense</a>’, and editor Kunda Dixit’s spicy ‘<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=11072#.XmEw73IzbIU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Under My Hat</a>’ satire on the back page. A first-rate collection of Nepali writers and journalists filled out the rest of the issue. The publishing landscape of Nepal was about to change forever.In the following week’s issue, <a href="http://himalaya.socanth.cam.ac.uk/collections/journals/nepalitimes/pdf/Nepali_Times_001.pdf">NT #1</a> (19-25 July, 2000), editor Kunda Dixit answered an implicit question that many were asking: why this weekly, now, and why in English? Noting that 1,300 newspapers were currently registered in Nepal, Dixit made an impassioned case for the relevance of an English-language weekly, arguing that the Nepali Times would 'take the concerns of those who matter to those who chatter', and do so by talking 'about us in a language that they understand'.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101148/636b77a99c7e80680e06464cjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="496" height="607"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=41764&amp;preview_nonce=2c61b17b70&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">16,600 pages of Nepali Times on Digital Himalaya</a>, Mark TurinAn essential element in achieving this broader goal was the page of translated articles ‘From the Nepali Press’ that became a regular, and much anticipated, weekly feature of the newspaper, ensuring that important local and national news received appropriate attention in Nepal’s English-speaking international community. Twenty years since the first issue, I caught up with Publisher and Editor Kunda Dixit to ask about the present and future of the Nepali Times.Mark Turin: What were your goals in establishing the Nepali Times in 2000?Kunda Dixit: We aimed for the Nepali Times to be a window on the whole of Nepal -- not just Kathmandu -- for the outside world. We opted for the ‘Berliner’ tabloid format with visually rich design, world-class production values, and a lively presentation of serious and not-so-serious issues. In short, a paper that people would read cover to cover. Actually, I could quote from the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=10980#.XmEwsXIzbIU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Editorial from NT #1 on 19 July 2000</a>: 'Nepali Times will aspire to be a true reflection of our times -- a journal to record the life and times of Nepalis in the decades ahead.'Have your goals changed over time? We never had a big circulation compared to the Nepali-language broadsheets, but very soon after starting we sensed that we had influence disproportionate to our reach. The reason was obvious: the language, subscription price, and subjects we dealt with, put us in a different bracket. A former Finance Minister once told me the Nepali Times made him nervous because donors came to meetings on Fridays carrying the morning’s print edition. Not much has changed in terms of the mission and vision of the paper. We haven’t even tampered with designer Rustom Vania’s original masthead and page arrangement -- it has stayed the same for 20 years.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101148/636b77ab9c7e80680e06464djpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3000" height="4000"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>What changes have you seen in the publishing landscape in Nepal since you launched the Nepali Times in 2000?Nepal’s media terrain is transformed because of the internet, as elsewhere. The business model of legacy media has collapsed. While reader eyeballs have migrated online, many advertisers haven’t. People get their breaking news from social media, but the Nepali Times was never in the business of hard news, so we haven’t had to change our focus much. However, we do understand our role now also in terms of countering the fake news and alternative facts being propagated on the social web. Our role is still to explain, explore and extrapolate. In general, our text is shorter now because of shorter attention spans of readers, which means there is tighter editing. We try to show more, and say less. And we have revamped our digital edition since ten times more readers access us online than in print. This means using multimedia packages, lots of videos, photo galleries, and interactive infographics.When have you felt that the Nepali Times played a decisive role in exploring an important political moment or covering an underreported issue?A highlight would be our coverage of the royal massacre in 2001, and our continuous follow-up of the story as new evidence became available. I believe the Nepali Times and our sister magazine Himal helped quell some of the wilder conspiracy theories. During the conflict, we prioritised field reports highlighting the plight of ordinary citizens caught in the crossfire, investigating human rights violations, torture and disappearances. After Gyanendra’s coup, we defied the censors by leaving white holes in print, and inserting a ‘freedom gauge’ on the masthead. In the post-conflict era, we have kept up the reporting on the lack of closure for survivors and families of victims. Lately, we have consistently followed the impact of the climate crisis on the Himalaya as part of our focus on the environment.What value do you see in having a complete online digital archive of back issues?One of our most important assets is our archive. It offers a complete history of Nepal over the past 20 years. The archive is used a lot by researchers, academics, teachers and even novelists. We ourselves use it a great deal in the newsroom because a site search puts all the events and trends of the past two decades at our fingertips. We also value our partnership with <a href="http://www.digitalhimalaya.com/collections/journals/nepalitimes/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Digital Himalaya</a> because all 1,000 print editions of the paper are available as freely downloadable PDFs.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101148/636b77ad9c7e80680e06464ejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1119" height="829">What are your aspirations for the next 1000 issues of the Nepali Times?We will keep doing what we are doing, with in-depth field reporting and expert analysis to make sense of Nepal’s fluid socio-economic and political state, and to uphold press freedom. We also want to maintain the quality of language and design, and tweak the online content to make it even sleeker and easier to navigate for the 120,000 loyal readers we have every week in Nepal and around the world.Read also:<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=8644#.XmC28HIzbIU">In a state of statelessness</a>, CK lal<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=5622#.XmC3MXIzbIU">Branding Nepal</a>, Artha Beed<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=5511#.XmC31HIzbIU">Visit Nepal while it’s still dark, Under my hat</a>, Kunda DixitMark Turin teaches at the University of British Columbia in Vancouver. He has lived and worked in Nepal for many years.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101148/636b77b09c7e80680e06464fjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="150" height="125">

1,000 weeks of Nepali Times

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101124/636b71e49c7e80680e0600f6jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="657" height="588"/><figcaption>Photo: AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL</figcaption></figure>Amnesty International put out a statement on Thursday prior to the publication of its annual <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/asa01/1354/2020/en/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Human Rights in Asia-Pacific: Review of 2019</a> citing the erosion of freedoms and impunity in Nepal.There was little progress on delivering justice and reparations to the victims of crimes committed during the decade-long armed conflict in 2019. The state also failed to address the violations of international laws after committing to do so as part of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement.<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Amnesty International</a> also expressed concern about arbitrary arrests of journalists and artists under the Electronic Transaction Act 2006, and expressed concern that the proposed <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-undermining-free-expression-hrw/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Media Council Bill</a>, the Mass Communication Bill, and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/rule-by-law/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">the Information Technology Bill</a> would further <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/gagging-the-press-in-installments/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">restrict the right to freedom of expression</a>.“Over the past year, we have seen the country increasingly resort to repressive methods to restrict freedoms. Journalists were arrested simply for doing their jobs, singers were imprisoned solely for the content of their songs, and civil society came under greater pressure,” said Biraj Patnaik, South Asia Director at Amnesty International.The report cites restrictions on freedom of expression, the need for justice to be delivered to victims of the conflict, and the protection of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-and-malaysia-rewrite-rules-for-migrant-labour/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepali migrant workers</a>. It also added that people who lost their homes during the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/kundadixit/2015/05/27/a-month-that-felt-like-a-year/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">2015 earthquake</a> were not any closer to finding permanent shelter.Patnaik said amendments to legislation were also proposed this year that would undermine the independence of the <a href="https://www.nhrcnepal.org/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">National Human Rights Commission</a>. In addition, proposed new laws by the cabinet would restrict the activities of civil society organisations and subject them to stricter monitoring.The government also failed to amend the Commission on Investigation of the Disappeared Persons, Truth and Reconciliation Act 2014 as ordered by the Supreme Court in 2014 and 2015.“The wounds of Nepal’s decade-long conflict can only heal when justice is delivered to the tens of thousands of victims to whom it is owed. In 2020, the government must build upon the limited but important progress made, empower the two commissions overseeing the transitional justice process, and bring existing legislation into line with the Supreme Court’s orders,” Patnaik said.

Shristi Karki

Amnesty on Nepal impunity

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101120/636b71259c7e80680e0600b7jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1100" height="1031"/><figcaption>Illustration : DIWAKAR CHHETRI</figcaption></figure>The Nepal Communist Party (NCP) government completes two years in power next month. Despite its <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/two-thirds-empty/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">strong majority</a>, the party’s performance has been underwhelming.It may look like the NCP is just lurching from one embarrassing cockup to another. But there are signs the party may have A Plan. That all along, it has been aiming not for ‘stability and prosperity’, but for the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/spooking-nepalis-by-snooping-on-them/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">extension of control</a>, the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/rule-by-law/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">stiffling of dissent</a>, the intimidation of critics, the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/gagging-the-press-in-installments/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">muzzling of the media</a> and the constriction of civil society. There is even a systematic strategy in place to roll back the development gains of the past decades.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/14-years-after-conflict-no-closure-in-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">14 years after conflict, no closure in Nepal</a><a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/crushers-of-justice/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Crushers of justice</a>, EditorialGiven that power is centralised in Baluwatar, the plan is obviously being hatched at the Prime Minister’s Office. There may be a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/which-way-nepali-politics-in-2020/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">power struggle at the top</a> between Prime Minister Oli and his comrade Pushpa Kamal Dahal, but on matters of control and domination the party has <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/one-body-two-heads/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">one body with two heads</a>.The Cabinet has zero accountability and no performance evaluation. Instead, ministers regularly threaten critics with crude scare tactics. They take their cues from Prime Minister Oli, who last week accused editors in the Nepali media of being “without hearts”. It is true that the criticism of Oli across a broad-spectrum of the national media over <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-business-of-politics-undermines-nepals-democracy/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">his dealings with the Yeti Group</a> has been relentless, but we have received no satisfactory explanation of why the consortium gets preferential treatment in leases of former royal property by the Nepal Trust.The government’s actions over the past two years may seem ad hoc and haphazard, but taken together there appears to be a method to the madness. Let’s take the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/no-speaker-no-parliament-in-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">sidelining the NCP’s own Shivamaya Tumbahangphe</a> and the bullheaded approach to replace a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-rise-and-fall-of-comrade-mahara/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">rape-accused Speaker</a> with a murder-accused Speaker. If we had to cite just one example of why there is <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/getting-away-with-murder/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">impunity and blatant flouting of the rule of law</a> in this country, the appointment of <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2011/05/31/hearing-set-for-case-against-minister-agni-sapkota/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Agni Sapkota</a> to the post of Parliament Speaker is it.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/no-speaker-no-parliament-in-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">No Speaker, no Parliament in Nepal</a>, Sewa BhattaraiEver since the end of the conflict 14 years ago, the Maoists, the UML, NC and the security forces have been <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/yesterdays-enemies-todays-comrades/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">partners in crime</a> in sweeping their combined <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/state-of-impunity,2976" target="_blank" rel="noopener">wartime atrocities</a> under the carpet. Families of the victims and survivors of the war demand justice and truth, but every government since 2006 has tried to rig the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/12-years-later-justice-is-a-mirage/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">transitional justice</a> mechanism, and not a single perpetrator has been brought to trial. In fact, perpetrators get to lead Parliament.Agni Sapkota is accused of murdering <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/111027" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Arjun Lama, an activist of the UML</a>, in Kavre in 2005. The irony of it all is that the UML and the former Maoists are now unified in the Nepal Communist Party. After years of struggling for justice for her husband, Purnimaya Tamang finally told this paper this week: “I have lost all hope for justice now.”Pushpa Kamal Dahal may have been technically right in stating last week in Chitwan that he was responsible for the deaths of “only” 5,000 of the 17,000 people killed during <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-transition-to-peace-needs-justice/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">the conflict</a>. But who is keeping count? If this vulgar non-repentance rattled many Nepalis, imagine what it did to the families of the disappeared and the survivors of that terror-filled decade.One of the provisions of the Comprehensive Peace Accord signed in 2006 was the establishment of a <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/One-To-Many/victims-waiting-for-justice,698" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and a Commission for Investigation on Enforced Disappeared Persons (CIEDP)</a>. But all governments since have conspired to make these commissions ineffectual by appointing party loyalists to their senior positions so that no one ever has to answer for war crimes. This week, the NCP and NC appointed new handpicked commissioners to the TRC and CIEDP.Aside from transitional justice, the NCP has been trying to dismantle just about every sector in which Nepal has done well. There are <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/taking-away-forests-from-communities/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">attempts to dilute the laws</a> governing <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/who-now-owns-nepals-forests/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">community forestry</a>. Pushpa Kamal Dahal hinted in Madi last week that he intended to change the by-laws governing Chitwan National Park. Under pressure from the fossil fuel lobby, the Finance Ministry is said to be thinking of scrapping <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-electric-transport-future-is-here/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">the tax rebate on electric vehicles</a>. And this week, the Home Ministry was reported to be drafting a new Social Organisations Act which will allow it to close down non-government organisations it does not like.Taken together, it is not hard to see what the NCP has been working hard to do in the past years. In an Orwellian sense, when the party said ‘stability’, it always meant ‘control’.<h2>10 years ago this week</h2>...The <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16728" target="_blank" rel="noopener">analysis by Ashutosh Tiwari</a> in <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/issue/486" target="_blank" rel="noopener">issue #486 of 22-28 January 2010</a> shows us how the power centre may have shifted in the last ten years, but the lust for power among our political leaders remains the same. As two Communist alpha males continue to battle it out in the ruling NCP, the latest casualty is the post of Speaker, with the sidelining of Shivamaya Tumbahangphe in favour of a murder-accused candidate: Even accounting for politicians’ lust for power, what’s wrong with our particular democratic structure that keeps on returning the same old politicians to power no matter how many Roman numeral andolans we have?On the outside, our system has the requisite avatar of a democracy (multiple parties, elections, political horse-trading, etc). Dig deeper, and you will find that it’s not the voters who call the shots but the party leaders, who have designed their parties’ internal structures in such a way as to keep them in power for as long as they live. Voters can express resentment, but come election time, they have to choose among the same menu of candidates.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101120/636b71289c7e80680e0600b8jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="513" height="800">...

press-freedom