<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110111152/636cd83b9c7e80680e092e30gif.gif" alt="" width="1000" height="1000"/><figcaption>Illustration: DIWAKAR CHETTRI</figcaption></figure>Nepalis are wondering who won and who lost after the Supreme Court on 7 March effectively ruled that the Nepal Communist Party revert to its constituent elements: the UML and Maoist Centre. Even the leaders of the parties are confused.Within 24 hours of the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-supreme-court-restores-house/">court decision</a>, a party that was cleft into two factions suddenly went back to its status three years ago. Leaders who were <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/no-winners-in-latest-nepal-political-twist/">caught on</a> the wrong side had to slink back to their mother party.Despite judicial interventions to scrap the NCP on Sunday, and to reinstate the House on 23 February, Nepali politics looks as confused as ever. To be sure, Prime Minister Oli suffered a setback with the House restitution, but he got a respite with the party re-split.His erstwhile UML comrades Madhav Kumar Nepal and Jhalnath Khanal, who had defected to the Pushpa Kamal Dahal camp, have been forced to return to the fold.The biggest relief must be felt by Chief Election Commissioner Dinesh Thapaliya, who had been undecided for over a month on whether the Oli or the Dahal faction would get the NCP party name and election symbol. He sprang into action after Sunday’s court verdict and scrapped the NCP altogether.Even Dahal himself must be feeling less stressed now. The bruising <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/muscle-vs-muscle-in-nepal/">political battles</a> with an aggressive Oli was taking its toll, but he is now in sole control of his own independent party. It is like he has moved from a big house of an abusive landlord to his own small shed.The biggest, and sorest, losers must be Oli’s former UML comrades and former prime ministers Nepal, Khanal, and the firebrand MP from Achham, Bhim Rawal. The bad blood between them and Oli will surely affect the internal dynamics of the re-instituted UML.The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-takes-1-step-forward-2-steps-back/">7 March decision</a> transformed Oli from a majority prime minister to a coalition leader. It is intriguing that even though the Maoist Centre has sent feelers to the Nepali Congress (NC) and the Janata Samajbadi Party (JSP) to form a coalition, it has not withdrawn its pre-unification support for the UML.Oli himself just needs to win the support of the JSP to remain prime minister, while Dahal will need both the NC and JSP. Dahal is hedging his bets: he does not want to lose a no-confidence vote since he cannot push another one for a year, and Oli may once more suddenly announce early elections.The wily Oli is already looking at the option of splitting the JSP vote to garner the number needed to stay on as prime minister. With 121 MPs in the House, Oli just needs 17 more votes to cobble a coalition, which he can get even if the rest of the JSP’s anti-Oli leaders are against joining. He can do that by agreeing to the JSP demand to free Resham Chaudhari, who is in detention for the Tikapur massacre of policemen in 2015.The key player in the formation of the next government will be the JSP and not the NC or the Maoist Centre. In fact, the JSP can even form a government with the NC and the Maoists. Within the UML, the Nepal-Khanal camp do not have the numbers any more to challenge Oli till the next party convention.Despite the involvement of the three organs of the state – the judiciary, the executive and the legislative – Nepal’s politics is more tangled than ever. When even a two-thirds majority government could not deliver on stability in the past three years, it would be foolish to expect a fragile coalition to do so now.Which is why Oli may have been right: the best option may be <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepalis-outraged-by-pm-oli-move/">fresh polls</a>. If it is overseen by an all-party election government, it could deliver a fresh mandate and restore a derailed polity.

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A crucible of fragile coalitions

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111011114/636ccd659c7e80680e08bc79jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1242" height="828"/><figcaption>Photo: AMIT MACHAMASI</figcaption></figure>In the two months since Prime Minister K P Oli dissolved<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepalis-outraged-by-pm-oli-move/"> the Lower House of Parliament</a>, massive rallies were held across the country. Oli and his arch rival in the party, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, competed to have bigger and more expensive rallies. This my-crowd-is-bigger-than-yours contest was intended to influence the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/supreme-court-puts-nepal-politics-back-on-track/">Supreme Court</a> as it deliberated on the constitutionality of the House dissolution.The enormous amount of money spent, from the state treasury by the Oli faction and from party coffers by the other, went to waste. In the end, the 5-justice Constitutional Bench decided on the basis of legal merit, not on the size of the crowds.Each faction accused the other of “setting” the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-supreme-court-restores-house/">Supreme Court</a> and the Election Commission to rule against it. But the judiciary reinforced the separation of powers doctrine and set a precedent. Chief Justice Cholendra SJB Rana read out the verdict on 23 February to reboot the House and ordered it to reconvene by 8 March.Even though leaders of the two factions have tried since 20 December to portray themselves as great democrats who believe in the Constitution, it has been clear that this was always just a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/oli-vs-dahal-1-upmanship/">chess game</a> to check mate the other side.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepalis-outraged-by-pm-oli-move/">K P Oli</a> in the nearly three years that he has been prime minister has used the 2017 electoral mandate to go it alone. He did not just want to be top dog. He wanted to be the only dog. He spent most of his waking hours, not to attend to matters of state, but to undermine his arch nemesis, Dahal.Oli had convinced himself that it was he who rescued the former Maoist chieftain from political limbo by merging the UML with the Maoists. Oli also used his office to get back at Madhav Kumar Nepal and his followers.He did appease Nepal by making some of his acolytes ministers (Bhusal, Bhattarai, et al) but by and large he sidelined and humiliated the former prime minister every chance he got. Nepal took it personally.The lifespan of politicians depends on their ability to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/calm-before-another-storm-in-nepal/">get to power</a> and hold on to it by defusing threats from rivals. Oli did use the levers of office to dispense patronage, and woo away some of Dahal’s former Maoist comrades (Thapa, Bhatta, Rayamajhi). But he failed to defang Dahal-Nepal.He even held secret talks recently with the underground Biplav faction of the Maoists. But by then, Oli had opened himself on so many fronts that he had completely isolated himself.The rift between Oli and Dahal was therefore not ideological, and not about the constitutionality or otherwise of the House dissolution. It was that Oli reneged on his agreement with Dahal on a rotational prime ministership. Prachanda desperately needed to be prime minister to indemnify himself from prosecution for conflict era excesses.Many Nepali media commentators have said the Supreme Court decision pushes Nepal from the frying pan into the fire. Indeed, Parliament is once more going to be a “goat bazaar” as it used to be called during the year of coalition politics.There are many possible scenarios, and they will all depend on Grandmaster Oli’s next chess move. He could hand over the prime ministership to Dahal. This would defuse the situation, and keep the NCP intact to fight another day. But given the bad blood, it is not likely.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111011114/636ccd689c7e80680e08bc7ajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111011114/636ccd6c9c7e80680e08bc7bjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427">The second scenario is Oli pushing an ordinance to split the party, and face a confidence motion in the House. At present the NCP jointly has 174 of the 275 members in the Lower House, of which at least 90 have pledged allegiance to Dahal. Oli will need to woo members from the Dahal faction as well as the NC or JSP to win the vote. Also unlikely.Although Dahal has said he does not mind offering Deuba prime ministership in a coalition, there is too much mutual distrust. Besides, Deuba has his own  battles within the NC to fight first.The coming week will show which of these five tried, tested and failed prime ministers will get one more shot at being prime minister. Deuba has been prime minister four times already, Dahal has been prime minister twice, Nepal and Khanal once each.Why are we stuck with just these five aged, mostly-Brahmin men? The trouble is that the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Comment/what-is-next-for-the-nepali-congress-nepal,1101">young turks are not allowed to rise up the ranks, and they are all nearing 50.  </a><a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Comment/what-is-next-for-the-nepali-congress-nepal,1101">It is well and good that the Supreme Court decided as it did, but it looks like we will just be reshuffling the cards. We may need a new deck.</a><a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Comment/what-is-next-for-the-nepali-congress-nepal,1101"> </a>

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House of cards

<figure></figure> <img width="884" height="589" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111011110/636ccc8e9c7e80680e08bc2cjpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Nepal Communist Party faction loyal to PM Oli organised rally at Darbar Marg on 5 February. </figcaption> Despite the Covid-19 pandemic, Nepal’s politicians are engaged in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/olis-tit-for-tat-show-of-force/">political one-upmanship</a> as they pack people into public spaces, particularly the streets of Kathmandu and other cities in shows of strength.  There is ‘my crowd is bigger than yours’ contest between factions of the Nepal Communist Party, one led by Prime Minister K P Oli and the other by <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/muscle-vs-muscle-in-nepal/">Pushpa Kamal Dahal and Madhav Kumar Nepal</a>. This is also a contest for who can display more control over the public space in terms of significance and size.Prime Minister Oli’s mass assembly venue on 5 February, a closed-off Darbar Marg, was symbolic because of the gentrified public space with a backdrop of palace-turned-museum. The message seemed to be clear: ‘we have control of both the sadan (Parliament) and the sadak (street).Lest we forget, Darbar Marg is not just any street. Whether during the Panchayat, the Maoist insurgency, the states of emergency, or countless political shutdowns, Darbar Marg has always remained the most protected street in the capital. Addressing ‘the people’ from this particular venue was synonymous to Oli stepping into the buffer zone, or what anthropologists would call a ‘liminal space’.The prime minister was speaking from an ambiguous space that belongs neither here nor there, which can be interpreted as a dress rehearsal, as though he had traversed a rite of passage for what is about to happen next. And, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/muscle-vs-muscle-in-nepal/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/muscle-vs-muscle-in-nepal/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1613794278029000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHmpGJNBMcLXQVj2Yx1-nd3SJoWNA">amid the shows of force by the rival Communist factions</a>, the next action may be marked by control of more public spaces, not just in Kathmandu, but across the country. So, the obvious question is: What does the control of public spaces by those in power, especially the government, mean?  <img width="1000" height="550" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111011114/636ccc909c7e80680e08bc2djpeg.jpg" alt=""> Public spaces are an important part of urban life. If designed, built, and sustained thoughtfully, they serve as the infrastructure of democracy, inclusive cultural setting, and powerful social fabric. In developed countries like Canada, public spaces like parks, community halls, libraries, art and recreation centers are designed and built through inclusive processes in consultation with the public. The exchange contributes to increasing accountability and ownership of public infrastructure both for the government and the public.Public spaces and infrastructure are not just material spaces, they also have their own social and political lives that are instrumental for a democratic governance. As Hannah Appel, Nikhil Anand, and Akhil Gupta argue in The Promise of Infrastructure, public infrastructure also ‘serves as an important locus for the evaluation of the morality and ethics of political leaders and the state’.For example, broken infrastructure like dug-up roads and uncompleted bridges reveal as much messy politics and failed governance as they do the unfulfilled needs and everyday suffering of citizens.  One example of the loss of a vibrant public space is the Khula Manch, which became a dumping ground for post-earthquake rubble and stalls, forcing demonstrators to spill into neighbouring streets in Kathmandu. Once a centre of historic pro-democracy rallies since 1990, the space is finally being cleared under direct orders of the Prime Minister’s Office and will likely resurrect into its previous avatar of an open space for rallies.The occupation of public spaces, including major streets and intersections like Mandala by the government as well as political parties, is a denial of public space to ordinary citizens. It also impedes the culture of democracy and civic engagements. <figure></figure> <img width="640" height="427" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111011114/636ccc939c7e80680e08bc2ejpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption> Spatial divisions are important for governance because there is always a moral boundary between the state and citizens in terms of which space they occupy. Generally speaking, if sadan is related to the government, sadak is where the public can politic. That boundary plays a role in a cultural and political order.The government should deal with the agitating parties in a democratic way, which involves initiating a dialogue, working through the various government branches, and treating the public with dignity, respect, and recognition. It is not a democratic step for the government to get on the street, draw on <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/olis-tit-for-tat-show-of-force/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/olis-tit-for-tat-show-of-force/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1613794278029000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHWRhLWKGhVOkes-mOznryYYiowYQ">tit-for-tat tactics</a>, and occupy public space. <figure></figure> <img width="1371" height="914" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111011114/636ccc979c7e80680e08bc2fjpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption> <img width="1270" height="847" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111011114/636ccc9b9c7e80680e08bc30jpeg.jpg" alt=""> Anomalies inside the Parliament, like the passing of an unconstitutional, undemocratic, discriminatory, and exclusionary bills should be addressed by the voices and actions of people on the street. These democratic actions do not include resorting to violence, vandalism, blocking off streets, arson, or other forms of coercion and harassment.Neither the public occupying the legislature, nor the government occupying the streets is democratic practice. <a href="https://www.propublica.org/article/inside-the-capitol-riot-what-the-parler-videos-reveal" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.propublica.org/article/inside-the-capitol-riot-what-the-parler-videos-reveal&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1613794278029000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEwl4cMrigz0r2ynr38Ui9ZVt-GDw">The occupation of the US Capitol </a>by the supporters of Donald Trump on 6 January, and the <a href="https://www.reuters.com/news/picture/on-the-streets-of-myanmar-following-mili-idUSRTX8UDLZ" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.reuters.com/news/picture/on-the-streets-of-myanmar-following-mili-idUSRTX8UDLZ&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1613794278029000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEtDALNroByo2DveSB0z9MiRDyglQ">control of public spaces by the military in the aftermath of the recent coup in Myanmar</a> are both examples of the transgression of democratic and spatial order.The rival rallies by competing factions of the Nepal Communist Party in Nepal’s public spaces  in the name of ‘mass mobilisation’ is a signal that the political leadership of whatever hue just want to control public spaces to fulfil their political ends. Control of this nature borders on moral and ethical transgression, that threaten the citizenry and civic engagement required for a vibrant democracy. <a href="https://www.bicramrijal.com/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.bicramrijal.com/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1613794278029000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGIYdOcz7bhVziiy1KjYbsa1D_IFg">Bicram Rijal</a> is a PhD candidate at the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Simon Fraser University, Canada.

Open spaces and open society

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181152/636be9919c7e80680e0878c9jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1280" height="854"/><figcaption>Thousands of people took to the streets this week to protest prime minister Oli's decision to dissolve the Lower House. Photos: BIKRAM RAI</figcaption></figure>Even though the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/a-year-of-living-dangerously/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Covid-19 disease is still spreading and killing people</a> and there is a new strain that is spreading around the world, people in Kathmandu seem to think <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/2020s-tips-for-2021/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">the pandemic</a> is over.At least that is the impression one gets in Nepal's capital these days. The traffic jams and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-lockdown-proves-air-quality-can-be-improved/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">air pollution</a> are back to 'normal' levels. Shops and malls are open and crowded.Even though the government has not yet lifted the ban on large gatherings, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/covid-fatigue-drives-nepalis-to-nightspots/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">night clubs in Thamel</a> are crammed with locals, there are indoor concerts, political rallies and gatherings every day.And not many are keeping a safe distance or wearing masks. It is as if Nepal's famous fatalism is manifesting itself, this time in collective acts of irresponsibility.Although the number of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/why-nepals-covid-19-figures-are-deceptive/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">active cases nationwide has dropped</a> below 10,000, the recovery rate is now above 95% and the number of people in home isolation has also dropped, public health experts urge caution -- especially if the more contagious strain of virus arrives in Nepal.More than half the 1,810 fatalities in Nepal from Covid-19 so far are in Kathmandu Valley, and there was an average of 10 deaths a day from the disease this week. Some 44% of the total confirmed cases are from the Valley.The incidence of confirmed cases per 100,000 population in Nepal is 831, which is the second-highest after the Maldives. India is at 703, and Thailand is only 6.This week, the Nepal government <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/business/nepal-blocks-travel-from-uk-over-new-virus-threat/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">banned air passengers from or transitting UK</a> from flying to Kathmandu.The rock band Cobweb held an indoor Christmas concert in the LOD club in Thamel this week attended by hundreds of mainly maskless people.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181152/636be9949c7e80680e0878cajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1280" height="854"><figcaption>Hundreds of people attended Cobweb's Christmas concert where only a rare few wore masks with the club filled to the brim.</figcaption></figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181152/636be9979c7e80680e0878cbjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181152/636be99b9c7e80680e0878ccjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427">On Friday, the Pushpa Kamal Dahal-led faction of the Nepal Communist Party that is trying to oust Prime Minister K P Oli after a protracted power struggle <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/pm-oli-to-india/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">organised a rally</a> attended by thousands of supporters at the Mandala intersection and the Election Commission.Although Dahal and other senior leaders wore masks, many of their party cadre jostling behind them did not.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181152/636be99e9c7e80680e0878cdjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1280" height="853"><figcaption>Pushpa Kamal Dahal and other top leaders participated in demonstrations with masks but many of party cadre went without one.</figcaption></figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181152/636be9a19c7e80680e0878cejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181152/636be9a39c7e80680e0878cfjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427">There were also demonstrations by smaller parties as well as those by independent groups and civil society, most of the participants had forgone masks and there was no concept of physical distancing.At Labim Mall in Lalitpur, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-qfx-cinema-needs-a-happy-ending/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">QFX Cinema</a> opened its multiplex on Christmas Day. Although management took all the necessary precautions, the crowds in the mall was almost back to pre-Covid levels. In fact, the queue extended to the parking lot of the mall.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181152/636be9a59c7e80680e0878d0jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="960" height="1280"><figcaption>Ticket queue outside QFX Cinema at Labim Mall on Friday. Photo: ALISHA SIJAPATI</figcaption></figure>In its periodic update this week, the World Health Organisation said: 'Nationally the second surge began in mid-July and peaked by end October and is currently showing an apparent downward trend which may be influenced partly by the significant decrease in the number of tests being done.'

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Concerts, rallies and crowded malls

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109191124/636bf0774b0ad905ca02f012jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1280" height="854"/><figcaption>Thousands of people took to the streets this week to protest prime minister Oli's decision to dissolve the Lower House. Photos: BIKRAM RAI</figcaption></figure>Even though the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/a-year-of-living-dangerously/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Covid-19 disease is still spreading and killing people</a> and there is a new strain that is spreading around the world, people in Kathmandu seem to think <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/2020s-tips-for-2021/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">the pandemic</a> is over.At least that is the impression one gets in Nepal's capital these days. The traffic jams and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-lockdown-proves-air-quality-can-be-improved/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">air pollution</a> are back to 'normal' levels. Shops and malls are open and crowded.Even though the government has not yet lifted the ban on large gatherings, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/covid-fatigue-drives-nepalis-to-nightspots/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">night clubs in Thamel</a> are crammed with locals, there are indoor concerts, political rallies and gatherings every day.And not many are keeping a safe distance or wearing masks. It is as if Nepal's famous fatalism is manifesting itself, this time in collective acts of irresponsibility.Although the number of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/why-nepals-covid-19-figures-are-deceptive/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">active cases nationwide has dropped</a> below 10,000, the recovery rate is now above 95% and the number of people in home isolation has also dropped, public health experts urge caution -- especially if the more contagious strain of virus arrives in Nepal.More than half the 1,810 fatalities in Nepal from Covid-19 so far are in Kathmandu Valley, and there was an average of 10 deaths a day from the disease this week. Some 44% of the total confirmed cases are from the Valley.The incidence of confirmed cases per 100,000 population in Nepal is 831, which is the second-highest after the Maldives. India is at 703, and Thailand is only 6.This week, the Nepal government <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/business/nepal-blocks-travel-from-uk-over-new-virus-threat/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">banned air passengers from or transitting UK</a> from flying to Kathmandu.The rock band Cobweb held an indoor Christmas concert in the LOD club in Thamel this week attended by hundreds of mainly maskless people.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109191124/636bf07a4b0ad905ca02f013jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1280" height="854"><figcaption>Hundreds of people attended Cobweb's Christmas concert where only a rare few wore masks with the club filled to the brim.</figcaption></figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109191124/636bf07d4b0ad905ca02f014jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109191124/636bf0804b0ad905ca02f015jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427">On Friday, the Pushpa Kamal Dahal-led faction of the Nepal Communist Party that is trying to oust Prime Minister K P Oli after a protracted power struggle <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/pm-oli-to-india/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">organised a rally</a> attended by thousands of supporters at the Mandala intersection and the Election Commission.Although Dahal and other senior leaders wore masks, many of their party cadre jostling behind them did not.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109191124/636bf0834b0ad905ca02f016jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1280" height="853"><figcaption>Pushpa Kamal Dahal and other top leaders participated in demonstrations with masks but many of party cadre went without one.</figcaption></figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109191124/636bf0864b0ad905ca02f017jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109191124/636bf0894b0ad905ca02f018jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427">There were also demonstrations by smaller parties as well as those by independent groups and civil society, most of the participants had forgone masks and there was no concept of physical distancing.At Labim Mall in Lalitpur, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-qfx-cinema-needs-a-happy-ending/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">QFX Cinema</a> opened its multiplex on Christmas Day. Although management took all the necessary precautions, the crowds in the mall was almost back to pre-Covid levels. In fact, the queue extended to the parking lot of the mall.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109191124/636bf08c4b0ad905ca02f019jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="960" height="1280"><figcaption>Ticket queue outside QFX Cinema at Labim Mall on Friday. Photo: ALISHA SIJAPATI</figcaption></figure>In its periodic update this week, the World Health Organisation said: 'Nationally the second surge began in mid-July and peaked by end October and is currently showing an apparent downward trend which may be influenced partly by the significant decrease in the number of tests being done.'

<img width="1984" height="946" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109141132/636bac569c7e80680e077f27jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>Younger member of the Nepal Communist Party (NCP) are trying to prevent a split in the Nepal Communist Party because of a intensifying confrontation between Prime Minister K P Oli and party executive chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal. The long-simmering power struggle between the two is now reaching a climax with Oli accusing Dahal of trying to remove him from power and impeach President Bidya Devi Bhandari, while Dahal has accused the Oli of going back on past power-sharing agreements. After Thursday’s standoff which ended in an on-going session of the NCP’s Standing Committee being put off till Saturday, many had expected the two top leaders to patch up their differences. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/bow-out/" target="_blank" style="font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" rel="noopener noreferrer">Bow out</a>, Editorial<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-pm-oli-under-pressure-to-resign/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepal PM Oli under pressure to resign</a> Indeed, there have been hectic meetings over the past two days of Oli and Dahal loyalists as well labbying by second and third-tier NCP members to head off a split. Oli and Dahal also had a phone conversation on Saturday morning which did not seem to have healed the rift – in fact it seemed to have increased Oli’s determination to make this a make-or-break fight. On Saturday evening, he went to see President Bhandari – his fourth meeting with her in the past week. He then called a meeting of the Cabinet at Baluwatar during which he said that he would under no circumstances resign from both prime ministership and party leadership as demanded by the Dahal faction. “Nepal’s communist movement and nationalism are at stake, and it is my duty to defend both,” he is reported to have told his ministers, adding that there was a conspiracy to remove him and impeach the president. Oli is also said to have warned his ministers to either come out and support him, or step down from the Cabinet. The prime minister appears to be preparing for any eventuality – his close supporters last week re-registered the United Marxist-Leninist (UML) party at the Election Commission. <img width="1546" height="912" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109141132/636bac599c7e80680e077f28jpeg.jpg" alt="">And to add more credibility to his threat of splitting the party, Prime Minister Oli got President Bhandari to prorogue the budget session of Parliament so that he could, if necessary, pass an  ordinance allowing parties to split with a 40% majority in the Central Committee. Some observers believe that by threatening to revive the old party, Oli is trying to improve his bargaining position vis-a-vis Dahal since so many of the NCP members are against the party splitting.The strategy seems to be working. On Saturday, even NCP supporters who are in the Dahal camp stepped up their meetings to stave off a party split. Oli’s own supporters, including ex-speaker Subhas Nembang, Defence Minister Ishwor Pokhrel and other advisers met Bam Dev Gautam, who is said to be a key player in the party tussle. Later in the evening, Gautam also met President Bhandari.Late on Saturday night, 52 Central Committee members of the NCP held a Zoom meeting, and demanded an immediate emergency meeting to find a solution to the crisis because the Standing Committee meetings kept getting postponed and were not effective in stemming the crisis.“We all agreed that we have to try to keep the party united at all cost, and for this we need a Central Committee meeting to thrash out the issues,” said member Thakur Gaire.The centre-left UML went into an electoral alliance with the former Maoist party during the 2017 local and federal elections. This unity allowed the two to sweep the polls with nearly two-thirds of the votes.The two parties later formally united to form the Nepal Communist Party. However, the threat of a split comes even as the parties have not fully completed the unity process of the rank-and-file.Despite the party uniting, Oli and Dahal have been on a collision course for the past two years – mainly driven by an ego-clash and ambition of the two leaders.Dahal has accused Oli of not respecting past agreements to hand over the party leadership to him, while Oli says Dahal has tried to undermine his government every step of the way in the past two years.Oli has used the border dispute with India to buy time for himself, and last week publicly accused Dahal of trying to bring him down at the behest of India.

Nepal ruling party on verge of split

<figure><img width="1500" height="1000" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a60599c7e80680e056e76jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Photo: RAMESH GIRI/RSS</figcaption></figure>Throughout the state visit to Nepal by <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/president-xi-in-kathmandu/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Chinese President Xi Jinping last weekend</a>, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism ideology was scarcely mentioned — even though both countries are governed by monolithic Communist parties.The irony could have been lost on supporters of the Nepal Workers Peasants Party (above) that has traditionally governed Bhaktapur, who carried portraits of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Mao during a rally to mark the party’s convention just before Dasain.While Nepal’s politics still takes its inspiration from philosophers and leaders from the last century, the optics of the Xi visit was all geopolitical symbolism. Proposals about connectivity, the Belt and Road Initiative, trade and infrastructure — just about everything was mooted except the ideological underpinnings of the proposals.President Xi timed his state visit to Nepal after an informal summit with Indian PM Narendra Modi in southern India. His message was that India is too important a trading partner for China to jeopardise those ties over Nepal. Chinese leaders since Mao have advised Nepal’s past kings, prime ministers and party leaders not to antagonise New Delhi.The visit underscored China’s national interest to see a stable and independent Himalayan buffer state. For Prime Minister Oli, it was a photo-op to counter rising public disillusionment about his government’s non-performance. Oli is sensitive about this, and pointedly told critics at a NCP tea party Wednesday to “open their eyes” to accomplishments.With all the attention on tunnels, trains and toll roads, Xi’s admonishment in his banquet speech that Nepalis do not complete projects, and advising his comrades to not be greedy, seemed to get lost in translation.The most important message from President Xi’s visit for Nepalis, as <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/self-reliance-in-nepals-peace-corridor/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Bhaskar Koirala reports from Beijing</a> , is whether China’s promise of help will help us stand on our own two feet. Also in this edition, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/political-geography-of-india-nepal-china-ties/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Bhutan Member of Parliament Passang Dorji</a> says strategic shockwaves caused by Nepal wriggling out of India’s sphere of influence would be felt in the region.Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/trans-himalayan-handshake/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Trans-Himalayan Handshake</a>, Editorial

Party Line

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a60539c7e80680e056e74jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/>Wearing a plain white polo shirt and a hint of a smile, former House Speaker Krishna Bahadur Mahara walked out of Norvic Hospital on Tuesday surrounded by security guards and some supporters. He was whisked away to the district government attorney's office at Babarmahal.Mahara <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/mahara-arrested/">is accused of attempted rape</a> of a female colleague in Parliament, Roshani Shahi, on 29 September. When the news hit headlines, and the ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP) reacted with uncharacteristic decisiveness, advising Mahara to resign. For watchdogs who have been criticising the government for impunity, including in war crimes and last year's highly publicised case of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/justice-delayed-and-denied/">Nirmala Panta,</a> this came as a complete surprise.Was the government finally buckling under national and international pressure to clean up its track record on impunity? Was Mahara the last straw? Could the party be reacting to sagging public support?Read Also: <a style="background-color: #ffffff; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/mahara-arrested/">Mahara arrested,</a> Nepali TimesSenior politicians have been falling like nine pins. This week it was the turn of MP Mohammad Aftab Alam from Rautahat, accused of burning a dozen people alive in a brick kiln after they were injured while making explosives to be used in the first Constituent Assembly elections in 2012. With unprecedented swiftness, police on Tuesday arrested another MP, Pramod Sah from Sarlahi, after he was accused of vandalising an airline counter and roughing up airline staff in Janakpur. There is also an arrest warrant out for Parbat Gurung, MP from Dolakha accused of attempted murder.Initially, Mahara's response fit the pattern of powerful men who know they can get away with any crime. His press adviser said he had never gone to Shahi's apartment, but after CCTV footage emerged of him arriving on the street outside, Mahara agreed to cooperate with the investigation. When his health reportedly worsened in custody, he was taken to an expensive private hospital.Mahara’s first resignation letter was conditional: he said he was stepping down only for the duration of the investigation, hoping to get right back to his speaker job. In fact, that is still a possibility since he has not resigned as member of parliament.“An MP is suspended if accused of grave crimes, so Mahara is not receiving any government facilities or salary at the moment,” explains Rojnath Pande, spokesperson of the Parliament secretariat. "However, he is not dismissed from his position. If he is cleared, he can go back to his duties as an MP.”Read also: <a style="background-color: #ffffff; outline: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.15px;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/plot-thickens-in-nepal-speaker-rape-case/">Plot thickens in Nepal Speaker rape case,</a> Nepali Times<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a60579c7e80680e056e75jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Meanwhile, the NCP after telling him to resign has kept mum. NCP Spokesperson Narayan Kaji Shrestha told Nepali Times: “His resignation automatically includes resigning from the party. We had advised him to resign as MP as well, but since he is suspended at the moment the point is moot. We cannot say anything now about his eventual return to politics.”Shrestha claims Mahara’s resignation was meant to aid the investigation and not necessarily because of his guilt, and that he is innocent until proven guilty. However, top NCP leaders have been briefed by police that there is enough evidence against Mahara to make the rape claim credible. The party is therefore in damage-control mode.Even a year ago, the NCP might have tried to hush up the case, especially because the evidence is murky. Shahi has changed her statement many times, calling police to say she was raped, withdrawing the complaint, then filing a first information report (FIR) for attempted rape, and again accusing the police of pressurising her. There are screenshots of Shahi’s SMS conversation with a mysterious ‘M Sir’, which hint at long-standing intimacy.Journalists have dug up Facebook posts showing Shahi has known Mahara for decades, and implying that he has been abusing her, and that she may even have carried his child once. However, the account has now been deactivated.Shahi has been subjected to the same kind of backlash that #metoo accusers have faced: a section of the public thinks she had a consensual relationship with Mahara and outed him when he ceased to serve her purposes. Shahi has in fact accused Mahara of not helping her get a permanent posting at the Parliament Secretariat.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/theytoo/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">#theytoo</a>, Sewa Bhattarai<iframe src="https://cdn.knightlab.com/libs/timeline3/latest/embed/index.html?source=1zVrbpu-q8I59SQO7MmpbmqlL62CYypGhqq1xBjc76bo&amp;font=Default&amp;lang=en&amp;initial_zoom=2&amp;height=650" width="100%" height="650" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The case has now become emblematic of the<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/four-fold-increase-in-reported-rape-in-10-years/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> trend of rape and sexual abuse in Nepal</a>, and globally — most perpetrators are known to victims, and even have close relationships. Use of force is rare but manipulation, including threats, bribes, shame and humiliation, are common. If Shahi faced threats and shame during a supposedly consensual relationship, it is difficult to see where the consent ends and abuse begins.Shahi herself has complicated her case by her on-off accusation, but more people in Nepal now seem aware that even if the relationship is consensual, violence or non-consensual intimacy makes it abusive. Many believe Shahi was intimidated into changing her statements. Yet for a government famous for impunity, the very fact that a powerful politician is being investigated is a step forward for gender justice.But there are also many losers. Mental health was made an easy scapegoat after Shahi blamed depression and medication for her inconsistent statements. The reputation of women leaders, including MPs, has taken a hit since most of them have remained conspicuously silent. Only Nepali Congress MP Uma Regmi, whom Shahi called at midnight, has spoken out.Read also: <a style="background-color: #ffffff; letter-spacing: 0.15px;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/four-fold-increase-in-reported-rape-in-10-years/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Four-fold increase in reported rape in 10 years, </a>Sewa BhattaraiShahi’s marriage also suffered, since her husband Chitra Jung Shahi, who was out of town when the incident happened, reportedly went straight to Mahara when he returned and then chided his wife for smearing the politician, urging her to retract her accusation. Chitra Jung Shahi later posted a handwritten statement of separation on Facebook.While the case is tangled, it has certainly shaken Nepal’s powerful men, many of whom have, until now, behaved as if they are above the law. The pressure for justice in this case is increasing. On 3 October, 15 human rights organisations issued a joint statement, urging the government to treat Mahara as an ordinary citizen and investigate the case. The UN and embassies of five countries in Nepal issued another joint statement, urging Nepal to establish a ‘zero-tolerance message to combat gender-based violence’.The NCP appears to be trying to turn the Mahara case into proof that it abides by the rule of law, and deflect attention away from larger cases of impunity for war crimes.Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/a-klepto-republic/">Klepto Republic</a>, Editorial

The rise and fall of Comrade Mahara

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a604d9c7e80680e056e72jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1400" height="1011"/><figcaption>Illustration: Diwakar Chettri</figcaption></figure>The Nepal-China agreements on trade, economy, connectivity and security signed during Chinese President Xi Jinping’s state visit last week could mark the beginning of the end of Nepal being in India’s ‘sphere of influence’. If that happens, the strategic shock waves will be felt <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/business/squeezed-in-the-himalaya,3824">beyond Nepal’s borders</a>.The Himalayan mountains have historically been a barrier between Nepal and China, but <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/which-way-will-the-tibet-nepal-railway-go/">railways, roads and tunnels</a> are about to change that. In the battle <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/trilateral-trains/">between geography and technology</a>, Nepal will fall into the Chinese embrace if technology wins. If geography remains a factor however, India can continue to wield political, strategic and geopolitical influence on Nepal. The idea of political geography will come into play around the <a href="https://nepalitimes.atavist.com/the-tibet-train">trilateral relations between China, India and Nepal</a>.Xi’s trip to Kathmandu immediately after his informal summit with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi was geo-strategically nuanced. It showed the confidence China exudes over South Asia vis-à-vis India, and the difference in national comprehensive power between the two strategic rivals says it all: China is far more powerful than India.Read Also:<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/what-is-xi-jinpings-big-surprise/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">What is Xi Jinping’s ‘Big Surprise’?,</a>Saindra Rai and Irtika Bajracharya<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="http://President Xi in Kathmandu" target="_blank" rel="noopener">President Xi in Kathmandu</a>, Nepali Times Nepal has to make a choice, and it seems to have made it. Upgrading Nepal-China bilateral relations from a ‘comprehensive partnership’ to a ‘strategic partnership’ was a masterstroke of Chinese diplomacy. If Nepal has drifted toward China or is increasingly doing so, India’s own Nepal policy is to blame.The top priority of small countries is always security and survival. Their foreign policy behaviour is a response to the possible threat from a bigger neighbour. The fears do not necessarily have to be real, they could be perceived. In geopolitics, perception and speculation determine a state’s response to the geopolitical environment. When small states are cornered, they take risks that have implications for relations with other countries, especially bigger neighbours.The 18 agreements and two letters of exchange China and Nepal inked in Kathmandu last weekend are ambitious and challenging. The timing was also interesting: right after Xi’s India trip and when China-India ties are strained over the Kashmir issue. China’s message to India is that the traditional concept of ‘spheres of influence’ is losing its relevance in geopolitics. And that Nepal cannot be construed a permanent ‘strategic backyard’ of India — it has to belong to whoever wins the power game.The China and Nepal developments are a pointer to what is going to happen in South Asian geopolitics as China continues to rise and India pushes back its inroads into the region. These are not only signposts, there are lessons here. India will have to learn why it is detrimental to its own interest to push a smaller neighbour too much. Similarly, Nepal should ponder whether it is wise to move too far away from India without preparation.An Indian scholar once said to this commentator about Nepal: “If India has learnt one thing, it is not to interfere.” A Nepali scholar said: “Post 2015, Nepal has learnt the danger of depending on one neighbour too much”. It is important to strike a balance to ensure a working China-Nepal-India relationship. This will determine the geopolitical environment of the Himalayan sphere in years to come.For India, the Nepal-China deal is evidence of the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/what-china-really-wants/">changing strategic and geopolitical architecture</a> of its neighborhood. If China-India-Nepal relations are not managed properly, the ramifications will spill beyond their borders. The interests of political giants do not just diverge, they also converge in places, countries and ideas that matter to their national, regional and global ambitions.We cannot discount the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-now-has-to-balance-not-just-india-and-china-but-also-the-west/">interest of other powers, the United States for instance</a>, in the Himalayan dynamic. With Nepal being a candidate for <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/a-yam-between-3-boulders/">the Indo-Pacific strategy</a>, Washington’s reaction to the new developments will be worth following. Nepal, for its part, should not forget that when its political market is open to too many players, it could lose control.Read Also: <a style="font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em; background-color: #ffffff; outline: 0px;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/yam-between-3-boulders/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">YAM BETWEEN 3 BOULDERS</a>, EditorialWhen push comes to shove, Nepal will have to decide based on <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/hitching-our-wagon/">its own national interest</a>. ‘Nations do not have permanent friends and foes, but only permanent interests’ is still relevant in inter-state relations, especially for smaller countries like Nepal.Nepal’s domestic politics is key to its response to Sino-Indian overtures, and it will have huge implications for the implementation of the deals struck with China. And the way Nepal puts its own house in order and manages its domestic political issues will determine India’s response to the China-Nepal deal. An indifferent or no reaction from New Delhi to China-Nepal bilateral developments do not mean it is not interested. It is in ‘wait and see’ mode, and any unmanageable domestic political fissure in Nepal can wreck the China-Nepal deal.The growing Chinese footprint in Nepal is proof that Beijing is already the chief player in South Asian geopolitics. Its <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/what-china-really-wants/">Belt and Road Initiative</a> is gaining momentum in Nepal and the region despite India’s resistance and non-membership in it. But the future of the recent China-Nepal agreements will depend on Nepal’s foreign policy dexterity and to some extent, on the character of Sino-Indian relations henceforth.China has become a reality in South Asia. Ignoring that fact would be a mistake.Passang Dorji, PhD, is a member of Bhutan’s Parliament, and a scholar on Bhutan and Nepal relations with China and India. The views in this article are his own.FeedbackThis article by Passang Dorji, a relatively distant observer in Bhutan, lacks in sufficient depth in the understanding of the dynamics that is being reshaped positively in recent years between Nepal and India due seemingly paradoxically to the fact of the Himalayan nation moving closer to China. President Xi's recent visit to Nepal has only lent more vigour and momentum to that dynamics. In contrast to the days when Nepal depended on the southern neighbour for most of its needs, India always balked, giving one the impression that sadistic India enjoyed punishing landlocked Nepal. However, now that Nepal chose to move much closer to China post-2015 blockade, India too is now much more cooperative and considerate with Nepal with, for example, the earlier-than-scheduled completion of the Indo-Nepal petroleum pipeline, something that was always needed for Nepal. The author's argument about mounting challenges for Nepal in managing in managing its relations with  India under the shadow of China's deepening presence and influence in Nepal remains hypothetical at best.Bihari Krishna Shrestha

Political geography of India-Nepal-China ties

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141120/636a58649c7e80680e054831jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1400" height="927"/><figcaption>Illustration: BHANU BHATTARA</figcaption></figure>Four years after the Constitution was <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2015/09/20/peoples-constitution/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">promulgated</a>, the main political actors involved in drafting it are now ruling the country. The 2017 <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/share-rule-and-self-rule/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">federal, provincial and municipal elections</a> made this the most powerful government in Nepal’s democratic history. Yet, the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-troika/">Nepal Communist Party</a> (NCP) has squandered not just its mandate but also the opportunity to make the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/by-the-way/new-constitution-should-adopt-inclusive-democracy-with-federalism-republicanism-secularism,538" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Constitution work.</a>There were very high expectations among Nepal’s long-suffering people that stability would attract investment, create jobs and improve accountability and governance. But disillusionment is running high, with opposition parties and dissident groups exploiting the discontent to push for constitutional amendments.The government’s response has been to crack down on dissent, intimidate and attack those who are critical of ruling party figures on social media, and try to push through bills in Parliament that would curtail hard-won freedoms. Prime Minister Oli himself has ordered that Constitution Day on Friday, 20 September be used as an opportunity to defend the Constitution.In what critics say is <a href="about:blank" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Panchayat-era style</a>, the central government ordered Chief District Officers and local governments to ‘celebrate with much enthusiasm’ Constitution Day for three days, 19-21 September, by proudly flying national flags at homes, wearing t-shirts emblazoned with flags and illuminating homes and offices for three nights. The Home Ministry homepage even has a popup box displaying the exact dimensions and colours of the national flag, and instructions on correct ways to display it. The new Minister of Tourism and Culture, Yogesh Bhattarai, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/anti-national-anthem/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">even tried to get the national anthem played before evening prayers at Pashupati.</a>Oppositionists are trying to cash in on the public’s anti-government mood. Despite being in disarray itself, the Nepali Congress (NC) has smelt blood, and its leader Sashank Koirala is trying to ride the Hindutva wave to have secularism scrapped from the Constitution<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=3701#.XYNJli4zbIU">. Kamal Thapa of the RJP</a> is going one step further to campaign for the restoration of a Hindu monarchy. Former Maoist ideologue <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/review/dreams-and-nightmares-of-the-nepal-conflict/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Baburam Bhattarai</a>, now leader of Samajbadi Party Nepal, wants a constitutional amendment for identity-based federalism and executive presidentship. And then there is the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/biplav-is-just-following-the-footsteps-of-mentors/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Biplav</a> faction, which wants to go back to armed struggle.The NCP is lashing out at critics. Party Co-chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal last week instructed cadre to ‘retaliate’ against the opposition, echoing Prime Minister Oli’s call to ‘unleash hornets’ on them. NCP youth have used mob tactics against those posting critical content on social media. Information Minister Gokul Banskota doesn’t hide his disdain for the free press, and is pushing the Media Council Bill, an IT  Bill and the Mass Communication Act through Parliament.Critics say the way to defend the Constitution is not by threatening dissenting voices, but by protecting the freedoms that it guarantees. Former head of the Nepal Bar Association, Sunil Pokhrel, says: “If there is a problem with the Constitution, the way to resolve it is not by wrapping ourselves in the national flag. The flag is being used to hide defects in the Constitution.”Read Also:<a style="font-weight: bold; background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=33406&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Four-year itch</a>, Editorial<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-constitution-3-years-later/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal's constitution, 3 years later</a>, Prakriti Kandel

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Political geography of India-Nepal-China ties

Wrecking crew