<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114121112/637222f59c7e80680e0c0327jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="760" height="486"/><figcaption>Govinda KC, Nepal’s crusading surgeon and health activist, plastering a patient’s ankle at the Mugu District Hospital on Sunday. He saw 177 patients for free in five days before travelling on to Jumla on foot. Photos: ACHYUTRAJ BHANDARI</figcaption></figure>Nepal’s  crusading surgeon and health activist Govinda KC has been on hunger strike 19 times since 2012, demanding medical education  reform and equitable healthcare. After retiring from his government job, KC has served patients in all 77 districts and other disaster-stricken countries. He is currently at Khandbari District Hospital in Sankhuwasabha where Nepali Times caught up with him.Excerpt from the conversation:Nepali Times: What is the state of healthcare in Nepal?Govinda KC: Most citizens from both urban and rural areas do not have access to healthcare. Many patients are too poor to afford quality treatment, and those who can not get quality care.The law specifies that 70 types of medicines should be available free of cost in district hospitals, 50 in primary health centres, and 35 in health posts. That is not the case in practice.Some government hospitals even charge money for medicines that are supposed to be free. And hospital fees are just too expensive, so they end up dying, being disabled for life, or sinking deeper into poverty.Health facilities in many rural districts are under-equipped, under-staffed and many patients have to return home without treatment. There are no big hospitals there to begin with, and even the urban poor cannot afford priate city hospitals.Doctors, nurses and office assistants have stuck around in government hospitals only because they are bound by contract. Some hospitals are led by junior non-physicians, making a chaotic and inefficient system.So, where is the problem? The problem in providing basic healthcare arises when the local representatives and  politicians do not work to provide it. When the 2015 constitution was announced, I was in satyagraha. My only demand was that our representatives be treated in health facilities in the same place as their voters. That demand was not fulfilled.The Constitution guarantees the citizen's right to health, but elected politicians do not care about health reforms. They are too busy getting rich overnight by commodifying education and health.I have been fighting to have hospitals and schools in every village, but people prefer to open hospitals in the city. Locals can have access to specialist services at a hospital in their village. This can also help to produce doctors, nurses and public health workers in the provinces. But no one is willing to do that. Politicians are on the payroll of the medical mafia.Do you regret going through all those hunger strikes? Many of my demands were not met. Some promises have been made, but not been implemented in practice. But some have been addressed, like the Medical Education Act was formed after multiple satyagraha. Then the Medical  Education Commission was formed.Before the Act, MBBS entrance exams were conducted by colleges and institutes in their own way, but now it is regulated by the Medical Education Commission.Only those who pass the entrance exams are now eligible for government scholarships and can pick their own college. Action is taken against private institutions if they do not follow the regulationsNow, medical colleges are selected based on their infrastructure, equipment and human resource.  Fees have also  dropped from Rs7-9 million to Rs4.2 million. Medical school is a lot cheaper now, especially for students who are unable to get scholarships.Government medical schools charged up to Rs10 million for  specialised education. Now, students do not have to pay, but get paid instead. After getting an MD they also need to serve for two years in a place assigned by the government. These contract doctors run the country’s healthcare todaySo, the hunger strikes have not been in vain. One of my demands was to have one government medical college in every province. At present, the Karnali Institute of Health Sciences is in operation in Jumla, and the physical infrastructure of Geta Medical College in Dhangadi has been completed. One medical college is soon opening in Dadeldhura after my hunger strike.Despite this, some goals have been lost to the challenges posed by the alliance of political  parties with the mafia. The construction of the Rapti Institute of Health Sciences in Dang was halted due to obstruction from local leaders, and a medical college in  Bardibas due to land acquisition issues.What policies should the government focus on now?First of all, access to basic services, human resources, equipment and medicine should be extended to people in rural areas and the urban poor. If primary health centres and district and provincial hospitals are improved, then 80-90% of patients do not have to  come to Kathmandu for treatment. The government needs to add more human resources to meet the current demand for healthcare.There should be a 15-bed operational hospital in each municipality. Hospitals should also be made free for people to have quality healthcare. The government should take actions against hospitals that operate without meeting proper standards.Additionally, the Medical Education Commission, Nepal Medical Council and other organisations should appoint qualified applicants, not political activists. In fact, the practice of hiring contract-based employees should be eliminated. Contract doctors have a higher chance of fleeing if they are not given temporary incentives to stay.Despite the huge demand for rural doctors, the Public Service Commission opens only 20 seats for doctors each year. This has to change.Any more hunger strikes?I am committed to campaigning for medical education reforms. Along with health and education, we are also fighting for good governance and social justice, without which reform is impossible.I also want to serve in remote areas, which is why I am here in Okhaldhunga. I will fight for people in all parts of the country to have quality, free, affordable and equal access to healthcare as guaranteed by the Constitution for as long as I can.Read more: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/govinda-kc-treats-patients-in-remote-nepal/">Govinda KC treats patients in remote Nepal</a>, Achyutraj Bhandari

original

674x448

610x380

400x266

400x240

400x203

301x200

"Nepalis are dying because they are poor”

<figure><img width="760" height="486" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110914114/636ba5ae9c7e80680e0736dajpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Govinda KC, Nepal’s crusading surgeon and health activist, plastering a patient's ankle at the Mugu District Hospital on Sunday. He saw 177 patients for free in five days before travelling on to Jumla on foot. Photos: ACHYUTRAJ BHANDARI</figcaption></figure>Health reform <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/risking-his-life-to-save-lives/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/risking-his-life-to-save-lives/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1597224179931000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFQK2JWnimNdv8w4s23TLpC78KGKQ">activist Govinda KC</a>, who has been on 17 hunger strikes to pressure the government to make medical care more affordable, has been holding free clinics for patients in hospitals and COVID-19 isolation wards in western Nepal ever since the pandemic started.KC arrived in Gamgadi on 5 August after walking two days from Jumla, and immediately started free consultations with patients, performing emergency operations at the Mugu District Hospital. He has seen 177 patients since then, and performed three operations.<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/One-To-Many/Truth-be-told%20,749" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/One-To-Many/Truth-be-told%2520,749&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1597224179931000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFtSQBKZtB-vcam4Nsz2wAtqOnl4A">KC is himself an orthopaedic surgeon</a>, and has made it his life’s mission to make medical care free and accessible to the Nepalis who need it the most. His hunger strikes were protests against <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/kundadixit/page/5/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/kundadixit/page/5/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1597224179931000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHY_jV_4K2jz-1PFUWl9VPIgc1DvA">government interference in the health sector</a>, and <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/Kleptocracy-kills,3161" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/Kleptocracy-kills,3161&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1597224179931000&amp;usg=AFQjCNH9lmHQky6NGRYp5QvehHAAxtSGGQ">collusion between politicians and tycoons</a> involved in medical education that was driving up costs.  As word spread that KC had arrived at the Mugu District Hospital last week, patients from surrounding villages started pouring into Gamgadi to have relatives examined. He has also been training resident surgeons on surgical procedures.“For us, he is god,” said 17-year-old Gagan Bham from Rara, whom KC operated on for a fracture in his ankle. <img width="1050" height="635" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110914114/636ba5b09c7e80680e0736dbjpeg.jpg" alt="">Also from Rara is 10-year-old Reshma Bham who had broken her hand while grazing livestock last year. KC operated on her, and straightened out her arm which is now plastered and in a sling.“We lived up in the mountains and did not have the money get her treated. We were afraid our daughter would be disabled for life, Dr KC was sent here by god,” said Reshma’s mother Danta, who added that she had heard about KC’s arrival by chance on the radio.After working without a break for 12 hours a day, on Monday KC returned on foot to Jumla.  KC has been on a tour of remote northwestern Nepal, where health care is neither accessible not affordable for a majority of people. The need for medical attention has gone up since quarantine centres and isolation wards have been set up for COVID-19 patients in the region, most of whom are returnees from India.KC has not been welcomed everywhere. Last month, a government health post in Rimi of Dolpo district refused to let the crusading doctor see patients there, saying he did not have government permission.  KC nevertheless saw some patients before travelling on to Bajura.One of KC’s hunger strikes was in Jumla two years ago where he demanded that medical colleges should be opened in every province in Nepal, and he wanted the Karnali Institute of Health Sciences to be the centre for Karnali Province. He broke his hunger strike after government assurances in 2018. But seeing no progress has been made to fulfil that demand, last month in Jumla he threatened to go on another hunger strike.

Govinda KC treats patients in remote Nepal

Devprakash Tripathi in Ghatana ra Bichar, 29 JanuaryNCP Co-chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal recently expressed strong support for the sovereignty of Venezuela’s elected communist government, and denounced foreign intervention, particularly that of the United States. This is ironic because his own political trajectory has depended on foreign intervention and support. As a rebel, Dahal sought shelter abroad while perpetrating violence in his home country. His signing of national agreements while in foreign land was already an open invitation for interference. Even when he was in power, Dahal pursued the agendas of foreign powers to support his own power.Historically, Dahal has shown no respect for Nepal’s sovereignty. He was involved in demolishing statues of Prithvi Narayan Shah, was irreverent of poet Bhanubhakta Acharya and other figures regarded as Nepal’s national heroes. Yet, Dahal is in effusive admiration of Marx, Lenin, Stalin and Mao who in no way contributed to Nepal’s development. Dahal’s statements are hypocritical, and inconsistent with his own past.There is speculation that Dahal issued the statement to regain China’s diminishing trust in him after his India visit. This was evident in the way the Chinese snubbed him on a recent trip to China. This latest statement calling for international support of Venezuela’s communist government may be intended to convince China that his communist stance is still intact.

A conflicting stance

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108101144/636a252e9c7e80680e0439b4jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="507"/><figcaption>Photo: YOYOKHABAR</figcaption></figure>Nagarik, 31 JanuaryDoctors across the country have taken to the streets to protest the government’s inaction on Govinda KC’s demands and his deteriorating health. The House of Representatives passed the Medical Education bill on 25 January, amidst opposition, without addressing KC’s demands of reforms in medical education. Doctors, united under the leadership of Nepal Medical Association, have begun a relay hunger strike to pressurise the government.KC is on his 16th fast-unto-death at the TU Teaching Hospital at Maharajganj. His health is said to be critical after not eating for more than three weeks and he has difficulty breathing due to chest pains. Decreasing white blood cell count has put his life at grave danger. The amount of oxygen, glucose, and potassium in KC’s body has also decreased, he has trouble sleeping and is vulnerable to infections. KC needs to be treated in an Intensive Care Unit (ICU) but has refused to go to there.KC has been fasting since 10 January, asking the government to implement the agreement made with him after his 15th fast. But after the government prepared the Medical Education bill in contradiction of the agreement, KC began his current fast. The government claims that the bill fulfills KC’s demands.Nepal Medical Association says that doctors in major cities like Biratnagar, Dharan, Janakpur, Chitwan, Birgunj, Butwal, Pokhara, Nepalganj, Dhangadi and others have carried out protests in support of KC, and medical professionals working in Primary Health Care Centers have joined them.On Wednesday, former Chief Justice Sushila Karki visited KC and expressed her solidarity with his movement. “Not fulfilling Dr. KC’s demands would be a loss to the entire nation, and his victory is the victory of 30 million Nepalis,” she said as she asked the government to fulfill his demands.

500x500

Doctors solidarity with Govinda KC

<figure><img width="1400" height="933" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110714114/636902ec9c7e80680e037c91jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Bikram Rai</figcaption></figure>Onlinekhabar, 30 JulyNew information shows the government purposely propagated lies to force Govinda KC to come to Kathmandu from Jumla, where he began his fast-unto-death, demanding medical education reform.On the morning of July 19, an army helicopter reached Jumla to bring KC to the capital, but the doctor refused to leave. Police attempted to get him out from the Karnali Health Science Academy by force, and in the process fired tear gas and baton charged supporters. As the situation grew more tense, KC agreed to come to Kathmandu, but not on an army chopper.That was when the police started making an announcement over the loudspeaker: “We have a casualty, one of our policemen has died.”The message reached KC and his team that a policeman had been killed. KC’s supporters said the doctor was very disturbed by the news and wept as he climbed down from his bed, saying: “I will go to Kathmandu.”As KC was on his way to the helipad, government sources said the policeman was actually alive. “We had to spread the rumour otherwise the situation would have turned ugly,” a local administration source confirmed.The policeman Kamal Upadhyaya was also medevaced to Nepalganj, where his injuries were found to be minor and caused by a nail.

1250x600

1084x550

Police duped Govinda KC

<figure><img width="1400" height="726" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121148/6368f0d29c7e80680e0359f5jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Bikram Rai</figcaption></figure>The Oli administration is arguably the strongest government Nepal has had since 1990. It wields de facto control over the legislature, executive, the judiciary and the security agencies. In addition, the constitutional organs are heavily influenced by the Prime Minister’s Office. With a two-thirds majority, the Nepal Communist Party (NCP) is virtually oppositionless.Which is why, given<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/towards-a-police-state/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> its stranglehold on power</a>, it is surprising the government is behaving like it is a fragile coalition on the verge of collapse. Recent actions and pronouncements by the Prime Minister and his supporters to lash out at critics show that the Communists have a low tolerance for criticism. Instead of being two-thirds full, the government is behaving like it is running on two-thirds empty.This week, at a close-door meeting of a media club loyal to the government, both Prime Minister Oli and Prime Minister-in-waiting Pushpa Kamal Dahal blamed the messenger: exhorting reporters to go all out against detractors, enticing them them with government advertising as reward.Information Minister Gokul Basnet, a former journalist himself, axed an NTV talk show after the anchor grilled him on live television. When Bhaktapur was inundated earlier this month, ruling party MP Mahesh Basnet in Parliament denounced those poking fun at the Prime Minister on Facebook, threatening to book them under the cyber crime law. Government lackeys have unleashed trolls, and spread fake news on social media to discredit critics.The NCP started it all last month by leaning on the President to grant a Republic Day pardon to convicted murderer Bal Krishna Dhungel. The state is thumbing its nose at war <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/rocky-transition-to-justice/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">victims seeking truth and justice</a>, and establishing impunity as the new order of business.The PMO then went on to ban all demonstrations in so-called ‘restricted areas’, reversed appointments made by the previous Nepali Congress government, stopped the vice-chancellor of the Sanskrit University from travelling to Canada and bundled him to the PMO for interrogation, and ex-guerrillas kidnapped a doctor at the Trauma Centre who refused to sign a letter certifying them for handicap compensation, on Home Minister Ram Bahadur Thapa's orders.When <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/red-rice/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Govinda KC took his hunger strike to Jumla</a>, the local government fired rubber bullets and teargas inside a hospital. And when a policeman was hit in friendly fire, Police deliberately spread fake news that he was dead -- as a pressure tactic to force Govinda KC back to Kathmandu.To be sure, the government is behaving no differently than all previous ones in shifting the blame, faulting anyone but themselves, and smearing hunger strikers by accusing them of being politically manipulated. It is a national trait to play victim, after all.This is a pity because PM Oli was given an overwhelming mandate as a prize for having stood up to the Indians. Since then, he has united his party with the Maoists, won infrastructure deals with China, patched up with New Delhi, raising hopes that he would be as statesmanlike domestically. Half a year on, that euphoria has nearly evaporated.All is not well within the NCP, either. Former UML leaders have expressed misgivings in private that the ex-Maoists are out to trip up the Prime Minister. Indeed, at every step from the government’s failure to rein in transportation syndicates, to the non-investigation of gold smugglers, or the unfulfilled pledge to punish the corrupt, the buck has stopped at the PMO. Dahal is in the sidelines, biding his time, and letting Oli stew in his own juice.Oli has a reputation for being a sharp-tongued and shrewd politician, and he probably knows the blame is being heaped on him. Which is why he seems to be finally acting to correct his over-reach.He convinced <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/gangamaya-breaks-fast/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Gangamaya Adhikari</a> to call off her hunger strike. That crisis will not be over until the other person accused of killing her son in 2004, Rudra Acharya, is extradited from Northern Ireland. Interpol has put out a Red Corner notice, but the UK government wants reassurances he will not face torture and capital punishment if sent back.Interestingly, the UK acted much more swiftly to detain Nepal Army Col Kumar Lama at Heathrow in 2013 for wartime excesses. And no assurances on capital punishment and torture have been sought from the Americans this week for the extradition of <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/jul/27/execution-britain-populist-us-trial-isis-suspects" target="_blank" rel="noopener">two UK nationals accused of terrorism charges</a>.The government also finally became proactive in negotiating with Govinda KC, who called off his 15th fast on the 26th day of his hunger strike, on Thursday evening. Law Minister Tamang has stepped down after an outcry over his derogatory remarks about female Nepali medical students in Bangladesh.Taken together, these are silver linings in otherwise dark monsoon clouds. <h2>10 years ago this week</h2> Nepal’s first ceremonial president was elected this week ten years ago. And although the post is ceremonial, it was a bruising competition between the parties that portended what was to come. Columnist Prashant Jha <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15068#.W1q7C9Uza70" target="_blank" rel="noopener">wrote this in his column Plain Speaking</a> in the Nepali Times issue of 25-31 <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/issue/410" target="_blank" rel="noopener">July 2008, #410</a>:No one has come out clean from the presidency fiasco. The Maoists tried to fool all the people all the time. Girija Prasad Koirala’s ego and obstinacy held the country hostage. Upendra Yadav confirmed suspicions he is a political opportunist who wants MJF to be a kingmaker.What is certain is that the realignments spell bad news for the peace process, democracy, constitution-writing, and even Kathmandu-Madhes relationship … unless the more fundamental aspects of the peace process, governance and state-Madhes gap are addressed, it may be premature to characterise Nepal as a ‘post-conflict’ country. <img width="640" height="1016" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121148/6368f0d69c7e80680e0359f6jpeg.jpg" alt="">

Two-thirds empty

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121148/6368f0ca9c7e80680e0359f2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="900"/><figcaption>Govinda KC breaks his hunger strike on the 26th day with Kedar Mathema and Subash Chandra Nembang just before midnight on Thursday.</figcaption></figure>On the 26th day of his 15th hunger strike, his longest yet, the Government finally met all nine of Govinda KC’s demands to make health care affordable and accessible for all Nepalis, by removing corruption from the medical education sector. But there have been agreements like these before, does it mean KC will not have to go on hunger strike again?The last sticking point was KC’s demand that no more medical colleges should be allowed in Kathmandu Valley for 10, which the Government was adamant not to sign off on categorically. Finally a compromise was reached that the government would address the 22 amendments KC wants in the Medical Education Bill through Parliamentary procedures.The reason for KC’s latest fast was the Nepal Communist Party (NCP) government, with its near two-thirds majority in Parliament, trying to hurriedly pass the Bill without pledges previously agreed to in previous hunger strikes.With KC’s health deteriorating, public opinion was overwhelmingly on his side. The Government’s negotiation team, led by former House speaker Subhas Nembang, by Thursday evening agreed to most of the doctor’s demands. If the Bill is now passed, no new medical colleges will be allowed in the Valley for 10 years, and those that have got permission will either be bought over by the State or be relocated elsewhere.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121148/6368f0cd9c7e80680e0359f3jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="952"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>This was the point on which there was a last minute hitch with negotiators going through several revisions of the draft agreement at the Prime Minister’s residence in Baluwatar, and playing it back to KC at the Teaching Hospital in Maharajganj.KC has said his demand for a moratorium on medical schools in the capital was to ensure teaching hospitals were evenly spread out in the country. Powerful figures in the ruling party are known to have stakes in new medical colleges waiting for licenses in Kathmandu however.The Government agreed to a list of other demands, such as medical colleges not becoming affiliated until they had operated their own hospitals for three years, and a single university should not be allowed to license more than five medical colleges. Other demands included Medical Education Ordinance being implemented to the letter, all officials including the acting deputy be appointed to the Medical Education Commission, and a common entrance test be conducted.KC started his most recent fast in Jumla after Kathmandu’s Maitighar Mandala was declared a no-protest zone. He agreed to be flown back to Kathmandu but only after police raided the Karnali Academy of Health Sciences, throwing tear gas and firing rubber bullets. KC also wanted Karnali Academy to be upgraded to enroll MBBS students.There had been no dialogue between the two sides even after KC was taken to Kathmandu from Jumla on 19 July, with the Government actively seeking to discredit KC’s fast. It claimed he was being manipulated by opposition Nepali Congress and Bibeksheel Sajha, with one minister even saying the hunger strike was part of a “grand design”.KC has signed 11 agreements with the Government in the past eight years, and this one appeared to be a make or break. Given the financial interests of the medical-political nexus, however, the NCP will be under pressure from investors to renege on the deal. KC likely suspects this; so even if he has called off this hunger strike, it may not be his last.The original version of this article has been updated after Govinda KC called off his hunger strike.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121148/6368f0d09c7e80680e0359f4jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="639" height="2673">

Starving for Justice

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121148/6368f09c9c7e80680e0359e2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/><figcaption>Dr. Govinda KC when he was brought to Kathmandu from Jumla, in the midst of his 15th hunger strike. Photo: BIKRAM RAI</figcaption></figure>Usually, politicians of all hues everywhere tend to suffer from short-term memory loss. It is a coping mechanism to wiggle out of their past pronouncements.In Nepal, the leaders, ministers, cadres and apologists for the ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP) have viciously targeted <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/risking-his-life-to-save-lives/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Govinda KC, who has been fighting for much-needed reforms</a> in Nepal’s medical sector.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/two-thirds-empty/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Two-thirds empty</a>, EditorialThey have questioned KC’s motives for his latest indefinite hunger strike, <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/what-govinda-kc-wants,3869" target="_blank" rel="noopener">his 15</a>th which began more than 23 days ago. The frequency and intensity of attacks have increased as the government has come under attack in the mainstream and social media. The frustration of the comrades is palpable, as seen in the indecent comments by Bishnu Rimal, chief adviser to Prime Minister Oli and the blatantly derogatory remarks by the Minister for Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs Sher Bahadur Tamang.Prime Minister Oli, himself known for his sharp tongue, has led the charge in vilifying KC. He is behaving more like a politician on the verge of losing power than a leader who commands an effective two-thirds majority in the Parliament. He and his henchmen complain of an opposition gherabandi (siege) – the common recourse of Nepal’s communists when they have to defend the indefensible.Instead of using its super majority in the House to honor the promises made while in opposition or just before the elections, Oli and his comrades display their cluelessness and expose an obsession for <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2016/07/10/kcs-crusade/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">protecting special interest groups</a>, and their own egos.NCP’s middling politicians run bad private hospitals, so they naturally incurred losses. They now want to cover up for those losses by being allowed to run <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/corruption-and-greed-in-nepali-health-sector,1075" target="_blank" rel="noopener">lucrative medical colleges that will fleece medical students</a> who will go on to fleece patients when they become physicians.Social media has exposed the hypocrisy of it all – how Oli, his party colleague and former prime minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal as well as leaders of other parties fly to Thailand or Singapore for their own treatment.The Mathema Committee Report, prepared by credible experts, suggested ways to improve the country’s ailing healthcare system, and KC wants the recommendations to be implemented in letter and spirit. None of the Communist leaders and their apologists have come up with an argument against the recommendations. So they resort to character assassination.KC has had to resort to serial hunger strikes during the tenures of all the main parties in the past decade. Ironically the NC, which did nothing to address KC’s demands when it was in power, has joined the pro-KC protests. Therefore, it’s a bit rich for the likes of Sher Bahadur Deuba and Baburam Bhattarai to now cry crocodile tears as they pose for selfies by KC’s bedside.  Gentlemen, why didn’t you implement the agreement you signed with KC when you were prime ministers?Then there is Narayan Kaji Shrestha pointing out that since the ‘neo-liberal’ Nepali Congress is supporting KC’s protest, the movement is questionable. How many times has his own party, before dissolving into the UML, formed coalition governments with the self-same neo-liberals? Shamelessness is part of a politician’s job description, but this takes hypocrisy to a whole new level.The NCP’s latest argument is that by fasting for three weeks, KC is ‘interfering’ with a sovereign parliament’s rights to enact laws. Really? When hospital tycoons like Durga Prasai control your party, the talk of sovereignty rings pretty hollow. Why don’t Oli and Dahal trust their own party’s Manmohan Hospital, and instead rush off to Bangkok and Singapore for treatment?  KC’s crusade is precisely to make Nepal’s hospitals good enough to treat Oli and Dahal.Citizens, the true sovereign in any functioning democracy, have the right to resort to any kind of peaceful protest. Remember, it is they who elect you and can boot you out. The NC and RPP (N) should not try to hijack KC’s satyagraha for their political ends – this will undermine KC’s sacrifice and give ammo to the government.The NCP is right in accusing the NC of politicisation of KC’s struggle. So what is stopping it from implementing its own past agreements with KC? Why give the NC the opportunity to weaponise the KC hunger strike?The Communists have shown that with their two-thirds, they want to throw their weight around. But they would do well to remember that a party’s goodwill and capital could vanish in no time if they show signs of authoritarianism. Remember the Karki vs Karki episode in 2016. The Nepali Congress wanted to protect Lokman Singh Karki, the man who was running his own unaccountable fiefdom as CIAA head. But the party had no qualms about attempting to impeach Chief Justice Sushila Karki.No wonder the NC was whacked so badly in last year’s elections. And that is a lesson also for the Communists.Twitter: @damakant

Absolute power numbs absolutely

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121144/6368f05a9c7e80680e0359cdjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2042" height="1417"/><figcaption>A massive rally organized in Kathmandu on Saturday in support of Dr. Govinda KC's demand for reforms in the Medical Education Bill.</figcaption></figure>Medical care should be affordable and accessible to all. In one sentence,<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/what-govinda-kc-wants,3869" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> that is all Govinda KC</a> wants on behalf of Nepalis.On Thursday, the government ordered police to use force inside a Jumla hospital where KC was on the 20th day of his hunger-strike <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2016/07/10/kcs-crusade/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">demanding an end to commercialisation of the medical sector</a>. Local administration admitted to media that it spread rumours that a policeman had been killed to convince KC to agree to go to Kathmandu.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121144/6368f05e9c7e80680e0359cejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1001"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Amidst protests in Jumla and Kathmandu, and a nationwide hospital strike, KC finally agreed to be flown back on an Army helicopter, saying he wanted to prevent any more violence.The reason quality health care is out of reach of Nepal’s predominantly poor people is that subsidised government hospitals are so shoddy, ill-equipped, poorly-managed, under-funded and under-staffed.State neglect and mismanagement at its facilities means expensive private hospitals have stepped in to fill the gap. Medical care has therefore become a lucrative business, where rampant over-charging is the norm.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121144/6368f0619c7e80680e0359cfjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1365"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>But that is not where the real money is. <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/corruption-and-greed-in-nepali-health-sector,1075" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The bonanza is in medical education</a>, where billions can be made overnight charging students for admission fees and royalty to feed the demand from private hospitals. It is no secret that the medical mafia enjoys strong political protection.KC’s main demands follow the recommendations of the Kedar Bhakta Mathema Commission two years ago: an end to universities giving random affiliation to new medical colleges in return for kickbacks, restricting universities to maximum five affiliations, limiting private medical colleges in Kathmandu Valley to ten. Successive governments over the past decade have promised to meet these demands to make him end his fasts, but never fulfilled them.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121144/6368f0649c7e80680e0359d0jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3510" height="2340"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>After the government restricted protests in Kathmandu, KC went to Jumla for his 15th hunger strike last month, where he was hounded by the local administration, making him seek refuge in the Karnali Health Science Academy.That was where on Thursday the riot police fired tear gas and rubber bullets to dislodge students and protesters blocking access to KC’s room on the third floor.Although there are more doctors in Nepal today than 20 years ago, the population has also increased in that period. Nepal’s doctors to population ratio is one of the lowest in the world: 2 physicians for every 10,000 people. KC’s demand is to spread medical care evenly throughout the country, not just Kathmandu.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121144/6368f0679c7e80680e0359d1jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3510" height="2340">However, with so much money involved, KC’s hunger strike is a <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Govinda-kc-charges,4137" target="_blank" rel="noopener">direct challenge to Prime Minister Oli</a>, who is beholden to powerful businessmen with investments in the medical sector. Tycoon Durga Prasai, who owns B&amp;C Hospital in Jhapa, was a key facilitator in uniting the UML and Maoists to form the Nepal Communist Party. Rajendra Pandey and comrades have invested heavily in the Man Mohan Memorial and the Kathmandu National Hospitals. NCP backer Upendra Mahato (whose brother-in-law is Transport and Infrastructure Minister Raghubir Mahaseth, who also owns Medicity Hospital) reportedly wants affiliation for a medical college in Kathmandu.An erroneous report from Jumla that a policeman had been killed has been corrected in this updateAlso read: <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Nepal-medical-education-system-infested-by-corrupt-investors-with-political-protection,2585" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Manufacturing fake doctors</a>, Ramu Sapkota<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=19560#.W1GhudUzbIU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Why some doctors stay and others go away</a><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121144/6368f06b9c7e80680e0359d2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3510" height="2340">

Kunda Dixit

Risking his life to save lives

<img width="1500" height="1046" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121144/6368ef8d9c7e80680e035987jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>They say a picture speaks a thousand words. This one spoke billions — of rupees. A lavish lunch is laid out with curry, dal and plates of nutritious red rice from Jumla. Tucking it all in are Prime Minister K P Oli, Prime Minister-in-waiting Pushpa Kamal Dahal. The third man is their host: business tycoon Durga Prasai, in whose house this picture was taken earlier this year.The UML-Maoist alliance was in government, but negotiations on party unity had stalled. Prasai was mediating, and this was the lunch meeting in which the deal was finally struck: the two would take turns leading the new party, and they agreed on dividing up positions for their loyalists.  The photograph went viral this week because it is so symbolic of our times. Here is Prasai who, as owner of the B&amp;C Hospital in Jhapa, is a powerful figure in the medical-industrial complex. He had a lot to gain from the unity of the two parties.The trio is seen feasting on a multi-course lunch while today 1,000 km away in western Nepal, <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=19449#.W0WbPtUza72" target="_blank" rel="noopener">campaigning physician Govinda KC</a> is on the 11th day of his fast-onto-death to pressure the government on medical education reform. The rice they are eating in the photo is the Marsi variety from Jumla, which the highest paddy growing region in the world. The glutinous red rice is known for its nutritious value, but ironically it is in Jumla itself that KC is on his hunger strike to draw attention to the lack of health facilities in remote Nepal.As the photograph was shared, public disgust and ridicule crossed party lines — KC’s sacrifice and single-minded pursuit of equitable and affordable health services in this country has a lot of support from citizens fed up with shoddy government hospitals and expensive private ones.This is KC’s <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2016/07/10/kcs-crusade/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">15th hunger strike</a>. After previous ones he had wrested government agreement for his main demands: stop corruption in universities according affiliation to private medical colleges, restrict universities to maximum five affiliations, limit the number of new private medical colleges in Kathmandu Valley to ten. This time, KC added one more demand: allow the Karnali Health Science Academy in Jumla itself to conduct MBBS courses. Those who do not understand just how deep the rot is may not comprehend why anyone should be opposed to more medical colleges.  Although there are more doctors in Nepal today than 20 years ago, the population has also increased in that period. Nepal’s doctors to population ratio is one of the lowest in the world: 2 physicians for every 10,000 people.However, in a country so chronically mismanaged for so long, there are only a few areas where one can strike it rich quick. Which is why smuggling and human trafficking, are a politically-protected racket. Extortion is a profession, and the practice of doling out protection money is so endemic most companies actually set aside a budget line for it. But by far the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/kundadixit/page/5/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">most lucrative way to make a fast first billion is to open a medical college</a>. An entrance test is a formality for students whose parents can afford a ‘donation’ of Rs10 million, and there is no shortage of those. This sets off a vicious circle where after graduation, new doctors seek immediately to recoup their investment by over-charging and over-prescribing, making treatment unaffordable. It is no surprise that some politicians are in cahoots with the medical mafia, just as they also protect the bus cartels, the smuggling syndicates and the real estate barons. Besides Prasai who owns B&amp;C Hospital, Rajendra Pandey and other former UML politicians have invested in the Man Mohan Memorial and the Kathmandu National Hospitals. NCP financier Upendra Mahato (whose brother-in-law is Transport and Infrastructure Minister Raghubir Mahaseth) also wants affiliation for another hospital in Kathmandu.KC’s hunger strike is a direct challenge to KP, who wants to rush the Medical Education Bill through Parliament by deleting <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2015/04/02/dr-kc-triumphs/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">previously included clauses on the limit to affiliations</a> and a cap on new medical colleges in Kathmandu Valley — recommendations made by the Kedar Mathema commission. KC’s campaign is trying to break the cycle of commercialisation by ensuring affordable, accessible and quality health care to all Nepalis.The tragedy of Nepal is that a government that came to power with so much promise for reform is letting the kleptocracy strike even deeper roots. State failure has poisoned our air, water, food, making Nepalis ill. But it is a cruel joke that they cannot afford treatment because of the same state failure. The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/let-a-thousand-flowers-bloom/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">NCP government</a> can reclaim some of its lost credibility by helping save the lives of tens of thousands of Nepalis by saving the life of just one Nepali — Govinda KC.

RED RICE

Born in Khandbari in eastern Nepal, Parashuram Pathak helped his family around the farm, sold what they grew in the market and lent a hand in the kitchen.&nbsp; After working as a chef in Dubai, San Francisco, Denmark, Australia, and on cruise ships, Pathak has now brought back what he has learnt to the Tusa Restaurant in Bhaktapur that opened on Nepali New Year on 13 April. Tusa uses fresh indigenous ingredients from various parts of Nepal, and fuses them with international methods to produce unique dishes. Pathak is a global Nepali, and is introducing global Nepali cuisine to his homeland. Pathak left an executive chef job to intern at three-Michelin-starred Noma in Denmark, named the best restaurant in the world five times. Noma runs on a philosophy of foraging to rediscover wild local ingredients, and Tusa’s mission is similarly noble: preparing dishes with Nepali ingredients using modern techniques and equipment. “We are taking Nepali food beyond dal-bhat and momo, we are taking it international,” Pathak said on the phone from Sydney. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepali-baker-rises-to-the-top-in-denmark">Denmark’s best baker is a Nepali</a>, Vishad Onta  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240419180424_1312bc016cbb2fe59c6d4a78d1f8b463af4a10b3f79559a2405fd54ea5b3197a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20240419180424_1312bc016cbb2fe59c6d4a78d1f8b463af4a10b3f79559a2405fd54ea5b3197a" data-rendition-name="original" width="801" height="802" loading="lazy" alt="The return of the natives Page 12 NT #1208"> <figcaption>Photo: PARASHURAM PATHAK/FACEBOOK</figcaption> </figure>  Pathak’s team in Nepal includes chefs Rupesh Bohara and Sagar Shrestha who have also worked extensively in Dubai and Australia, and share his vision. The three realised they shared the same dream, and over the past five years have travelled across Nepal to research their menu, collecting ingredients and ideas from homestays, food carts, and nature. The team then scouted for Nepal’s best architect, and zeroed in on Bhaktapur-based heritage conservationist Rabindra Puri who designed the Malla-era house for Tusa in the Nag Pokhari neighbourhood. Bohara and Shrestha have moved back to Nepal for good, and Pathak arrives in September. “I made dishes from all over the world, but when someone asked what Nepali food was like, I had no answer,” says Bohara, “I came back to find out.” &nbsp;“You can get citizenship, a green card, big houses and cars, but where is the self-satisfaction?” asks Shrestha, who has a red-and-blue chef’s knife with the sun and moon of the Nepali flag tattooed on his right forearm.&nbsp; Read also:<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/diaspora-diaries/the-return-of-a-master-baker"> The return of a master baker</a>, Raju Pakhrin  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240419180424_c601264463e5a28d4e71a46781f340a53619a08d00949a7aaebfef84e75a319d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20240419180424_c601264463e5a28d4e71a46781f340a53619a08d00949a7aaebfef84e75a319d" data-rendition-name="original" width="6000" height="4000" loading="lazy" alt="The return of the natives Page 12 NT #1208"> <figcaption>Photos: TUSA</figcaption> </figure>  Bohara and Shrestha passionately recount stories of their trips across Nepal, speaking of generous lodge owners who introduced them to local ingredients. Tusa can seat 28, and dining here is a sensory experience with a live kitchen. The chefs cook and place dishes on a large granite countertop with induction sections built in. Behind the counter is a grill on an indoor fire with pulley control to adjust the fire. Everything that can be made in Nepal — chairs and tables, ceramic dishes, the grill — is locally sourced. The executive kitchen/laboratory is downstairs. It is spacious, spotless, and contains appliances rarely seen in restaurants here: a sous vide machine that cooks vacuum-sealed packets at consistent temperatures, and a dehydrator for sisnu nettles. A fresh batch of deep purple kimbu (mulberry) muffins has just come out of the oven. Fridges have dry-aged fish and marigold kombucha. Fermentation seems to be the theme at Tusa, and Pathak explained: “Fermentation takes away the natural sugars in food, leaving behind a true, umami taste.”&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/vikings-khukri-passion">Viking's khukri passion</a>, Alisha Sijapati  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240419180424_c59e2b4230864f646bc36108adb951e95ec85da6156740294b1ec715b86acf89.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20240419180424_c59e2b4230864f646bc36108adb951e95ec85da6156740294b1ec715b86acf89" data-rendition-name="original" width="5895" height="3930" loading="lazy" alt="The return of the natives Page 12 NT #1208"> </figure>  Tusa itself means ‘shoot’ in Nepali, and can be a dish of fermented bamboo shoots. The restaurant serves a tasting menu with six courses, plus surprises. It starts with a fermented potato and millet roti with charred green garlic and tomato chutney. The bread tastes like a mix of alu paratha and kodoko roti with a satisfying, mild flavour. The chefs do not show off, and overdo it. Dishes are tastefully simple and faithful, a theme that runs through the meal. The second course is a filet of fish charred on one side and placed in a broth. It is delicate and smokey, and does not mask the character of the fish.&nbsp; The next is Batuk Chukauni, a Magar dish with a lentil snack and a yoghurt-based potato achar. The batuk, made of lentil batter, is light and the chukauni has potatoes and peas. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/money-is-not-everything-but-you-need-money-for-everything">"Money is not everything, but you need money for everything"</a>, Rohit Shrestha  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240419180424_e3f51228ff792e8d4297f81f8e67d138584e922ae035d131977494219e5e85c5.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20240419180424_e3f51228ff792e8d4297f81f8e67d138584e922ae035d131977494219e5e85c5" data-rendition-name="original" width="1333" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="The return of the natives Page 12 NT #1208"> <figcaption>Batuk Chukauni. Photo: VISHAD ONTA</figcaption> </figure>  Next is a skewer of jackfruit with a tamarind and mustard glaze that has the texture of a slice of sausage and melts in the mouth. Then comes the first off-menu item: a steak of watermelon, glazed and grilled, tasting sweet, sour and smokey. After that a palate cleanser sorbet made with laligurans syrup adorned with a frozen candied rhododendron petal. Finally the main course: barbeque chicken and chyakla coarse corn grits. The chicken has been brined, marinated, cooked sous-vide and seared on the grill. The delicate consistency of the chicken stands out. Desert is a smooth, creamy cheesecake that uses the local juju-dhau yoghurt. And the last course is a moist, moss-green sisnu cake laced with mulberry jam and cream.&nbsp; There is nothing gimmicky about Tusa. It is the coming together of skilled Nepalis with international exposure who have mixed what they have learnt abroad with the flavours of home.&nbsp; The tasting menu is Rs3,500, and it may take some time before Nepalis develop a predilection for some of its items. The chefs are excited, vindicated, and relieved. Coming back to Nepal, uprooting successful careers abroad to take a chance on Nepal must not have been easy.&nbsp; Tusa had a soft launch on New Year’s day with Kathmandu-based diplomats. Australian Ambassador Felicity Volk was one of them, and wrote on a Facebook post: ‘Chefs who honed their skills in Australia and returned to Nepal to give back. We call it fine dining, they call it #cominghome.’ Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/the-baker-of-barpak">The baker of Barpak</a>, Tara Aryal Pandey

The return of the natives

For a year or two after the 25 April 2015 earthquake, the residents of Kathmandu were too terrified to return to their high-rise apartments. None of them collapsed in the 7.8 disaster, but many sustained serious structural damage. &nbsp;
Fast forward nine years, and they have all but forgotten that frightful day. Kathmandu is back to building substandard structures, even as land prices drive developers to build taller.&nbsp;
With no more space to spread horizontally, Kathmandu is going vertical. But structural engineers say most of the high rises do not take into account seismicity, soil condition, construction methods, quality of raw materials, fire hazard, and search and rescue in collapsed concrete structures.
“Much of our focus since the 2015 earthquake has been on building and construction, but not as much on where we are building,” warns Sangeeta Singh, Professor of Urban Planning and Deputy Director of Centre for Disaster Studies at the Institute of Engineering.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/in-a-disastrous-state">In a disastrous state</a>, Sonia Awale
She adds: “Kathmandu is not really suited for high-rises. We have to first test the condition of the soil, but building permits are being issued without this fundamental step.”
Kathmandu Valley is a former lakebed with soft topsoil prone to liquefaction and excessive shaking, as seen during the 1934 megaquake. Many ruptures tore up the surface in 2015. &nbsp;
During an earthquake, the rock layers below Kathmandu ring like a bell and the vibrations on the surface take between 0.5 to 2 seconds for one oscillation. Buildings also vibrate, but at different frequencies depending on their height, construction material, and arrangement of their structural components.
At five floors, the vibration period of a building is 0.5 seconds, which is the same as that for Kathmandu Valley, and this could cause more damage, says structural engineer Surya Narayan Shrestha at the National Society for Earthquake Technology - Nepal (NSET).
“Building anything that is five storeys or higher in Kathmandu needs special design and structural considerations,” says Shrestha.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/shaking-things-up">Shaking things up</a>, Editorial
Technologies exist to reduce seismic risk in high-rises, and these are used in earthquake-prone cities like Tokyo, Los Angeles, Jakarta or Mexico City.&nbsp;
Base isolation, for example, separates the vibration of the land and the building, reducing damage from soil-building resonance. Base isolators move and stretch under pressure, absorbing much of an earthquake's impact by reducing swaying and shaking. &nbsp;
Seismic dampers change the pattern of vibration altogether, dissipating energy as vibrations move across a structure. But these are all expensive technologies, and none of the high-rises in Kathmandu use them.
However, Nepali engineers who can help with technology transfer are working in the field in Nepal and overseas. Kathmandu’s high-rises are already very expensive, and making them seismic-resistant would be an incremental cost.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/learning-from-jajarkot-what-we-didnt-after-2015-695vpzle">Learning from Jajarkot what we didn't after 2015</a>, Sushil Gyewali
The shape of high-rises also matters. Reinforced concrete buildings with asymmetric designs of the kind that are seen in newer structures in Kathmandu experience more torsion and shear during quakes. High-rises with regular geometry are stronger. &nbsp;&nbsp;
An even bigger concern is that of emergency evacuation and rescue in case of fire or earthquake. Kathmandu fire services do not have ladders that reach the higher floors of most new structures.
“High-rises mean more people and potentially higher casualties,” explains Shrestha. “We need immediate evacuation routes, fire escapes, emergency ladders, and fire trucks that can reach higher. Right now, safety features are voluntary and not mandatory.”
The street access, shelters, open spaces, and evacuation routes are integral to disaster preparedness and the safety of neighbourhoods and not just buildings. Most new high-rises in Kathmandu have narrow access roads.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/rebuilding-resilience-7-years-later">Rebuilding resilience 7 years later</a>, Anil Pokhrel
Since most of the buildings that survived the 2015 disaster were reinforced concrete structures, it fed the misconception that they are safer. But Himalayan seismologists say that if the intensity and duration of the shaking had been just a little higher, many substandard concrete structures would have collapsed.&nbsp;
And that is the final gap: Nepal’s limited expertise and equipment for search and rescue inside collapsed concrete structures. Kathmandu’s high-rises need to be better prepared for the next Big One.
“Structural safety and design were at the front and the centre after the 2015 earthquake, we also revised some building codes but we are back to square one with contractor-driven construction, especially in peri-urban areas,” says Sangeeta Singh, who is also with the National Planning Commission. “We need to monitor construction as much as design.”&nbsp;
Shrestha at NSET agrees there have been improvements in building practices in the past nine years, but adds, “We have both learnt and unlearnt lessons from 2015. The awareness hasn’t yet translated into action on safety.”
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/lessons-not-learned-from-2015-o2etq6zu">Lessons not learned from 2015</a>, Sonia Awale

The rise of high-rises

Midway along the stretch of the ancient trade route between Tibet and India lies the Kel Tol neighbourhood. The name is derived from the original Koligrām, and it is believed the Koli people, who were originally from Rāmagrām in present-day southern Nepal near the Indian border, settled here. The Koli were the maternal ancestors of none other than the Buddha. Kel Tol is famous for the Buddhist monastic complex of Kanak Chaitya Mahāvihar, featuring the majestic two-tiered gilded temple of the white god Karunāmaya.&nbsp; This elaborately decorated courtyard is a bustling centre of the Vajrayāna sect of Buddhism, practised widely by the indigenous Newā people of Kathmandu Valley. Karunāmaya, also known as Ārya Avalokiteshwor, is defined in great detail in the 1st century CE Buddhist text Sadharmapundarikā where he liberates all sentient beings from suffering. He helps rid the eight external fears metaphorically equated with their equivalent internal states of mind: lions (pride), wild elephants (ignorance), fire (anger), snakes (jealousy), floods (attachment), imprisonment (miserliness), thieves (wrong views) and cannibals (doubt).  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240418130432_fe370cbee75003cd3eb5dccc7c3b2671630da193b0744db2aeac1bab3ff4a85c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20240418130432_fe370cbee75003cd3eb5dccc7c3b2671630da193b0744db2aeac1bab3ff4a85c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1338" height="2000" loading="lazy" alt="Seto Machhindranath"> </figure>  In the Pancha Rakshyā Sutra, a Buddhist scripture from 200 CE, Ārya Avalokiteshwor was counted among the eight major deities. Followers of the Brāhminical god Shiva worship Ārya Avalokiteshwor as Seto Machhindranāth. For Shaivites, Machhindranāth is the Indian saint who founded the Nāth cult in the 10th century CE. He is the guru of saint Gorakhnāth. During the reign of Yakshya Malla (1428–1482 CE), a beautiful image of Ārya Avalokiteshwor was dug up by a farmer in present-day Jamal, which was then a cultivated area outside the city. The farmer, known as a Jamami (meaning the one from Jamal) took the image home for safekeeping. That night, Ārya Avalokiteshwor appeared in the farmer’s dream and told him that the proper place for him to reside is at the confluence of two rivers. The nearest confluence was at present-day Wongha (Indrachok) and the image was installed in the Kanak Chaitya Mahāvihar complex in Kel Tol near Wongha. This made it easier for city residents to pay homage to Ārya Avalokiteshwor and spread compassion. Soon, the deity came to be revered highly as Jamaleshwor, the one found in Jamal. Eventually, the name got corrupted, as happens often in Nepāl Bhāsā, to Janabahā Dyo. The courtyard where his temple is located is now popularly known as Janabahā.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240418130432_5c9b219530e400445ef4e7f64856b43e7cdb756be26d9ed4565c84044c178a7e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20240418130432_5c9b219530e400445ef4e7f64856b43e7cdb756be26d9ed4565c84044c178a7e" data-rendition-name="original" width="2500" height="1668" loading="lazy" alt="Seto Machhindranath"> </figure>  The gilded temple of Janabahā Dyo, first built in the early 16th century CE, is adorned with wooden and metal artefacts that symbolise 108 forms of Ārya Avalokiteshwor. It stands out as the most decorated temple of its kind in Kathmandu. Today, Janabahā is a living heritage site where many ancient customs and rituals are widely practised as per Vajrayāna Buddhist tradition. Devotees throng the Janabahā Dyo shrine for daily worship and to receive Karunāmaya’s blessings. Being the compassionate one, Ārya Avalokiteshwor goes around town every year in his tall wooden chariot to allow sick and physically disabled devotees to pay homage to him from the comfort of their homes. One could say it is a door-to-door visit by the Compassionate One.&nbsp; For the pragmatic minded, the chariot festival is an annual renewal of communal harmony, validation of our ancient mathematical supremacy and demonstration of the need to keep practical skills alive, including the craft of building earthquake resilient houses.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240418130432_fc8b234ceca87dee4b99e897a485cef121fb953857fb61492a413fbfcc48360c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20240418130432_fc8b234ceca87dee4b99e897a485cef121fb953857fb61492a413fbfcc48360c" data-rendition-name="original" width="2500" height="1667" loading="lazy" alt="Seto Machhindranath"> </figure>  The Janabahā Dyo chariot is pulled from Jamal, where his image was found by the farmer, through the historic heart of Kathmandu in a gala parade every year. The procession, accompanied by folk music ensembles and revellers, starts on the eighth day of the bright half of the month of Chaitra, and lasts up to a week (ending on Saturday this year). Hundreds of devotees pull the chariot along the streets as a way of expressing their gratitude to lord Karunāmaya for blessing them with compassion and well-being. Purna Ratna Vajrāchārya is an ordained priest who belongs to the clan responsible for taking care of Janabahā Dyo. He has been studying the design and architecture of the chariot for the past 40 years, and overseeing its construction for the past 15. He has learnt that the engineering principles of building the chariot are based on the mathematical system in which Buddhism is taught. For example, 365 pieces of wood are used in the chariot, each representing a day of the year. Each of the four wheels consist of 25 pieces of wood, totalling 100, representing completeness or fulfilment. The chariot is vertically divided into 13 sections, a parallel to the Buddhist concept of Trayodashi Bhuvana that describes the 13 steps that one must take to achieve the state of Nirvana.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240418130432_36d9964c9845f6d9a074786361fc5ab7d49138503ad162086998b731349b0ec0.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20240418130432_36d9964c9845f6d9a074786361fc5ab7d49138503ad162086998b731349b0ec0" data-rendition-name="original" width="2500" height="1668" loading="lazy" alt="Seto Machhindranath"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240418130432_2662753a9514a682ccdfd17bf05e2be3771183a68dc86b717ab67d9aad894563.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20240418130432_2662753a9514a682ccdfd17bf05e2be3771183a68dc86b717ab67d9aad894563" data-rendition-name="original" width="1668" height="2500" loading="lazy" alt="Seto Machhindranath"> </figure>  &nbsp;Exactly nine types of wood are used, which is the sum of the four base elements that make up the universe (earth, water, fire and air) and the five human senses. The height and length of the chariot is 32 arm’s length (hāt in Sanskrit), 14.8m. The number 32 represents the maximum number of auspicious and physical qualities one could possess to be considered an outstanding human being.&nbsp; Says Vajrācharya, “Observing how the chariot is built helps one learn the fundamental pillars of the Buddha’s teachings, and find an easier path to Nirvana.” The structural design of the nearly 15m wooden chariot is not only awe-inspiring but also gravity-defying. It leverages the pliancy of the materials used in its construction -- flexible joints tied with cane soaked in water for several days. The precise proportions of the chariot ensure great manoeuverability in the narrow streets along the route of the chariot procession that include some 90° bends, without colliding into houses.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240418130432_9f5c2943f5d6b3f0010d3d5213697549945e87a6f7d3d8cbadd69f0dea6c6e2c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20240418130432_9f5c2943f5d6b3f0010d3d5213697549945e87a6f7d3d8cbadd69f0dea6c6e2c" data-rendition-name="original" width="2500" height="3750" loading="lazy" alt="Seto Machhindranath"> </figure>  Driving and steering the chariot with brute muscle power of the mirthful crowd is a seemingly impossible task. But this has been achieved year after year, despite the fact that the devotees who tug wildly at the ropes lassoed to the two front wheels, are most likely in high-spirits (pun intended). Sanjay Manandhar, a US-based technology entrepreneur, recounts how his high school physics teacher from Canada asked his students to go observe the locals build the chariots of Karunāmaya if they were interested in becoming engineers in the future.&nbsp; “That made no sense to me then, but, after all these decades, I now see clearly how the structural design of the chariot, adopted early on by our ancestors is full of earthquake-resilient properties that need to be applied in building houses in an earthquake-prone zone like Nepal,” says Manandhar. A highlight of the chariot festival is that human goddess Kumari makes an appearance at the final destination in Lagan, usually on the third day. This is only one of the 13 times that people get to see the Kumari outside her temple abode.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240418130432_08aa39f3f004a212b33c60a2840d6013110de15dd34a0288f699dd5fda8957ab.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20240418130432_08aa39f3f004a212b33c60a2840d6013110de15dd34a0288f699dd5fda8957ab" data-rendition-name="original" width="2500" height="1667" loading="lazy" alt="Seto Machhindranath"> </figure>  On the last day of the festival (Saturday), the image of lord Karunāmaya is carried on a palanquin by priests from Janabahā in a gala procession and brought back to his permanent residence at the temple in Kel Tol.&nbsp; The chariot festival is thought to have started during the reign of King Pratap Malla of Kantipur in the 17th century CE. For close to four centuries, the construction of the chariot and its operation has proven to be a phenomenal engineering feat, and the people’s faith in divinity means the tradition is alive.&nbsp; The essence of the colourful rituals and the religious beliefs of this ancient chariot festival is now all but lost. The logic, technology and practicality must be brought back to light, as they reflect the high civilisation and wisdom of our ancestors that we can leverage in modern times and into the future. &nbsp; Alok Tuladhar is a culture and heritage documentarian.

Kathmandu’s gravity-defying chariot festival

In the run-up to the third Nepal Investment Summit this weekend, there have been seminars, conferences and workshops where the discourse has revolved around the economy and the investment climate.
The consensus that Nepal needs foreign direct investments (FDI) to grow was repeated, and the familiar litany of reasons about why it has not been able to was discussed.&nbsp;
Policy advocates and regulators have understood that the lack of urgency is compounded by procedural inconsistencies, on top of the already deficient investment environment in the country.
It is a welcome change from what used to be flippantly accepting matters as given. There now seems to be a sense of urgency, with procedural inconsistencies and lack of harmonisation between various Acts and regulations openly discussed.&nbsp;
Government stakeholders also appear more willing to learn and attempt to be part of the solution. Whatever policy changes have been introduced in the past have been piecemeal and address the few rather than the entire industry. This left dual regulatory approaches aimed at similar players.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/killing-investment-in-nepal-in-10-easy-steps">Killing investment in Nepal in 10 easy steps</a>, Dibesh Karmacharya
This time, unlike in the past two Summits, the government seems to be committed to amending 9 Acts, a positive step towards showing commitment to change. However, the deadline to do so during the winter session of Parliament is over. The option mooted has been to have it passed through ordinance, a lesser appealing step; albeit, a positive one moving forward.&nbsp;
To attract FDI in a competitive global market means that Nepal has to demonstrate that it is serious about bringing in investments with a more consultative and collaborative approach with investors. A departure from procedural to a result-oriented focus is needed.&nbsp;
To put issues in perspective, Nepal needs US$20 billion in investments to meet the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) targets by 2030. If net-zero decarbonisation targets are to be met by 2045, another US$7 billion will be required annually.&nbsp;
Looking at our investment history and poor government capital expenditure, the gap is long and wide. In fiscal year 2022-23 Nepal booked a lamentable ~$59 million in FDI (equity). Nepal is in fact the lowest market in South Asia for FDI with 0.3% of the regional average.&nbsp;
What is it that we can do to fill the gap?&nbsp;
First, we need to move away from the notion that Nepal only needs large investments. This has proven to be a mistake, and time series data have proven that smaller investments, in aggregate, make a larger impact on economies.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/poor-cash-rich-nepal">Poor cash-rich Nepal</a>, Sonia Awale
We talk about an ‘enabling environment’ but without the right tools. We place restrictions on interest on debt ceiling (SOFR +5.5), without risk premium adjustments, we do not have an active secondary market for bond trading, nor do we have a yield curve, an integral part of the bond market, which is inhibiting us from tapping into the trillion dollar green bond market.&nbsp;
In order to attract green financing, Nepal needs to develop its bond market. Sovereign risk rating has been mooted and was expected to be operationalised before the Investment Summit.&nbsp;
However, to be rated in an adverse economic environment could further deteriorate investment potential due to a lesser-than-expected rating.&nbsp;
Hedging is another instrument that needs further research on. A commercial bank last year showcased the first risk-hedging mechanism for an investment of $8 million. This can be the beginning to expand on its modality. &nbsp;
Subordinated debt instruments have been introduced, but on a special nod basis, this now needs to be institutionalised as it is the most applicable form of investment after equity in a market that has volatile forex reserves.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/invest-in-investment">Invest in investment</a>, Nepali Times
Viability Gap Funding has been introduced by multilateral development agencies implemented in solar installations. It is a tool to incentivise the private sector to invest in projects that are not financially lucrative initially, but have potential for profitability in the long run. This needs to be scaled up and replicated in sectors like infrastructure, where returns may not be immediate.
Moving forward, to attract FDI, Nepal needs to tap into the funds that are available for the growth of small and medium enterprises (SMEs) and climate change. Alternative investments such as Private Equity Venture Capital (PEVC) have been around in a structured manner in Nepal for nearly a decade now.
These funds have blended finance components and have attracted climate funding as well. PEVC is a new asset class and can address the issues of penetrating into SME financing by incorporating environment, social and governance issues into their investment process.&nbsp;
SMEs are the backbone of any economy, PEVC comes with the ability not only to scale up the enterprise with risk capital, but with the ability to bring technical knowhow to enhance not only the enterprise but also the entrepreneur.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/success-in-nepal-means-not-having-to-work">Success in Nepal means not having to work</a>, Anil Chitrakar
A differentiator from all other forms of financing available till date in Nepal. Blended finance is a way of de-risking investments, especially in frontier markets. Business Oxygen (BO2) is an example of blended finance with subordinated debt investments of IFC (World Bank Group) taking the lead and Climate Investment Funds along with FCDO as co-investors.&nbsp;
On a larger scale, the 216MW Upper Trisuli 1 is another example of blended finance with IFC, a Korean consortium and local investments. So far, we see that development finance Institutions have been taking the lead in Nepal as their risk appetite is greater than commercial investors and they are eager to help develop the financial markets.&nbsp;
In order to be sustainable, we need to step on this and attract commercial capital from all over the world. To do this there has to be political will to make that pivot.&nbsp;
Instead of being a means to an end, the two previous Investment Summits turned out to be intermittent and cosmetic, providing hardly any results. The third one’s success will depend on how the event will be implemented as a platform for continuous marketing for the country and facilitation for investors in future.&nbsp;
Nepal has outdone many countries in its macro-economic indicators, with sound forex reserves and a stellar history of debt payments to its creditors. This story needs to be propagated along with the drive for change to attract potential investors.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/alternative-investments-to-attract-fdi">Alternative investments to attract FDI</a>, Siddhant Raj Pandey

dr-govinda-kc