In the past few weeks as Nepal faces trying times with falling growth and high inflation, Kathmandu has witnessed numerous seminars, conferences and workshops with the discourse revolving around the economy and investments.&nbsp;
The consensus that Nepal needs foreign direct investments (FDI) to grow was once again repeated, and the familiar litany of reasons about why it has not been able to. Policy advocates and regulators have understood that the lack of urgency is compounded by procedural inconsistencies and added to the already deficient investment environment in the country.
It is a welcome change from what used to be flippantly accepting things as given that there is now a sense of urgency, with procedural inconsistencies and lack of harmonisation between various Acts and regulations openly discussed.&nbsp;
Furthermore, the desire from government stakeholders to learn and attempt to be part of the solution is also beginning to happen. &nbsp;Whatever policy changes have been introduced in the past have been piecemeal and address the few rather than the entire industry, thus leaving dual regulatory approaches aimed at similar players. &nbsp;
To attract FDI in a competitive global market means Nepal has to demonstrate that it is serious about bringing in investments with a more consultative and collaborative approach with investors. &nbsp;A departure from procedural to a result-oriented focus is needed.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/invest-in-investment">Invest in investment</a>
To put issues in perspective, Nepal needs US$20 billion in investments to meet SDG (the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals) targets by 2030. If net-zero decarbonisation targets are to be met by 2045 another US$7 billion will be required annually.&nbsp;
Looking at our investment history and poor government capital expenditure, the gap is long and wide. &nbsp;Last week’s budget showed that in the nine months of this fiscal year, Nepal was able to book a lamentable US$9 million in FDI (equity) investments, a decrease of 98% from the corresponding period last year.&nbsp;
Nepal is in fact the lowest market in South Asia for FDI with 0.3% of the regional average. &nbsp;What is it that we can do to fill the gap?&nbsp;
First: we need to move away from the notion that Nepal only needs large investments. This has proven to be a mistake, and time series data have proven that smaller investments, in aggregate, make a larger impact to economies.&nbsp;
We talk about an ‘enabling environment’ but without the right tools. &nbsp;We place restrictions on interest on debt ceiling (Libor +5.5), without risk premium adjustments, we do not have an active secondary market for bond trading, nor do we have a yield curve, an integral part of the bond market. &nbsp;
Read also: <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Comment/making-nepal-fdi-friendly,853">Making Nepal FDI friendly</a>, Shyamal K Shrestha
In order to attract green financing, Nepal needs to develop its bond market. Billions of dollars of green climate funds are waiting to be tapped. Sovereign risk rating has been mooted, but to be rated in an adverse economic environment could further deteriorate investment potential due to a lesser than expected rating. &nbsp;
Hedging is another instrument that needs further research on. A commercial bank recently showcased the first risk hedging mechanism for an investment of $8 million. &nbsp;This can be the beginning to expand on its modality. &nbsp;&nbsp;
Subordinated debt instruments have been introduced, but on a special nod basis, this now needs to be institutionalised as it is the most applicable form of investments after equity in a market that has volatile forex reserves.&nbsp;
Viability Gap Funding has yet to be implemented and has been in active discussions for a few years now. &nbsp;This needs to come into effect to encourage solar installations in the country.
Moving forward, to attract FDI, Nepal needs to tap into the funds that are available for the growth of small and medium enterprises (SMEs) and climate change. &nbsp;Alternative investments such as Private Equity Venture Capital (PEVC) have been around in a structured manner in Nepal for nearly a decade now. These funds have blended finance components and have attracted climate funding as well. &nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/why-there-is-no-foreign-investment-in-nepal">Why there is no foreign investment in Nepal</a>
PEVC is a new asset class and can address the issues of penetrating into SME financing by incorporating environment, social and governance issues into their investment process. &nbsp;SMEs are the backbone of any economy, PEVC comes with the ability not only to scale up the enterprise with risk capital, but with the ability to bring technical know — how to enhance not only the enterprise, but also the entrepreneur. &nbsp;A differentiator from all other forms of financing available till date in Nepal.&nbsp;
Blended finance is a way of de-risking investments especially in frontier markets. <a href="https://bo2.com.np/" target="_blank">Business Oxygen (BO2)</a> is an example of blended finance with subordinated debt investments of IFC (World Bank Group) taking the lead and Climate Investment Funds along with FCDO as co-investors. &nbsp;
On a larger scale, the 216MW Upper Trisuli1 is another example of blended finance with IFC, a Korean consortium and local investments. &nbsp;So far, we see that development finance Institutions have been taking the lead in Nepal as their risk appetite is greater than commercial investors and they are eager to help develop the financial markets. &nbsp;
In order to be sustainable, we need to step on this and attract commercial capital from all over the world. To do this there has to be political will to make that pivot.&nbsp;
The recent budget has tried to address some issues in a cosmetic manner, and once again it lacks the overall approach to the problem. &nbsp;Nepal has outdone many countries in its macro-economic indicators, with sound forex reserves and a stellar history of debt payments to its creditors. This story needs to be propagated along with the drive for change to attract potential investors.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/guest-column/so-you-d-like-to-do-business-in-nepal">So you’d like to do business in Nepal?</a>, Ritu Pradhan Malla

Siddhant Raj Pandey

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Comment

Alternative investments to attract FDI

Opportunity dances with those who are already on the dance floor. - H. Jackson Brown Jr  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230602090644_54bb8c4943210cdb8565f3408b8b4400514729440f8ed81954296b6c3057c871.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20230602090644_54bb8c4943210cdb8565f3408b8b4400514729440f8ed81954296b6c3057c871" data-rendition-name="original" width="2677" height="2682" loading="lazy" alt="Opportunity"> </figure>

Miss Motivation

Opportunity

Nepal’s Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s three-day official visit to India starting Wednesday is being keenly watched in Kathmandu and these borderlands of the Tarai.
Relations between the two asymmetric South Asian neighbours at the moment are neither ‘chilly’ nor ‘warm’. Things have got a lot more cordial since UML Prime Minister K P Oli was replaced by a Maoist-Nepali Congress coalition led by Sher Bahadur Deuba in 2022.&nbsp;
The visit comes as Prime Minister Dahal tried to keep his shaky 9-party coalition intact, by even getting a presidential pardon this week for an MP convicted for the killing of policemen in Kailali in 2015.&nbsp;
Disillusionment with Nepal’s three mainstream parties has manifested in the rise of the independent RSP, while the RPP is trying to promote ex-king Gyanendra as a symbol of national unity, stability and the revival of a Hindu kingdom, hoping to ride the Hindutva wave in India.
Indeed, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s aggressive Hindu-right agenda is having a ripple effect across the border. Despite his BJP’s defeat in the Karnataka polls earlier this month, Modi seems to be on a roll because of India’s buoyant economy.
It has become somewhat of a tradition for a new prime minister in Nepal to fly to New Delhi on his first pilgrimage to pay his respects to rulers there, even if it is someone who is prime minister for the third time.
Questions have been raised about whether Dahal should necessarily &nbsp;follow this practice, but Dahal nevertheless cancelled what was to be his first visit to China in March to attend the Boao Forum in Hainan.
Dahal has to finely balance the need to appease Indian leaders to extract concessions on river projects, air routes, infrastructure assistance, while at the same time playing to the gallery back home by not kowtowing too much.
The chronic problem in India-Nepal relations has been a trust deficit in both capitals about each other. What does Nepal expect from India, and what does India want to do in Nepal? Bilateral relations should not depend on which leader or party is in power in New Delhi or Kathmandu, it should have continuity and be determined by what will benefit citizens of both countries.&nbsp;
In 2014, India had appeared to change its approach to Nepal by appearing magnanimous during Prime Minister Modi’s first visit, but the goodwill he built collapsed with the blockade and bilateral relations chilled as non-political actors started directing policy.
It will not work if one set of leaders in Nepal sanctifies India, while another vilifies it. This might serve their immediate political interest, but will do long-term harm to mutual ties. Leaders are also fickle and erratic in their stance: Prime Minister Dahal is the same person who during the conflict threatened to wage a ‘tunnel war’ against India.
Dahal’s visit to Delhi also comes at a time of heightened geopolitical tension in the region with growing Sino-US polarisation, India’s involvement in the Quad and the danger of Nepal being forced to choose sides between its neighbours. Nepal will need to deploy all its diplomatic skills to play its role in this new world stage.
India’s rulers may also need to ponder why the traditional close ties with Nepal have become frayed. True friends talk things over, and it is in the interest of both neighbours to rebuild trust. New Delhi strategists appear sanguine that whatever the noise on social media, its tactics in Nepal are working.&nbsp;
But many Nepalis still feel that India acts like Big Brother and pushes its weight around, promises a lot and delivers little. Dahal needs to take this up at the highest levels during his visit and obtain tangible results to reboot relations to at least 2014 levels.
Nowhere is the people-to-people relations between India and Nepal felt as keenly as in the Tarai. The open border, close cultural and family links and trade bind the two countries together.&nbsp;
However, even here there is a feeling that India is unfeeling. Every year, poorly-designed road, railway and flood control embankments in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh inundate Tarai towns. Every monsoon the Kathmandu media suddenly becomes ultra-nationalistic, laying all the blame on Indian state governments.&nbsp;
The Indian media also whips up anti-Nepal feelings by holding Nepal responsible for ‘unleashing water from its dams’ even though Nepal does not have any dams to let water out from and the border barrages are controlled by India.
Indeed, the national media (and increasingly social media posts) on both sides of the border are largely to blame for undermining the friendship between the people and governments of the two countries. Media should instead focus on evidence that embankment-building worsens water-logging in farms and towns on both sides of the border.
These floods are bound to get worse if the deforestation, sand mining and quarrying of the Chure Range resumes. Nepal will not just be exporting boulders and aggregates, but also increased sediment that will worsen floods and further lower the water table in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh.&nbsp;
In 2010, President Ram Baran Yadav raised the issue of Chure conservation during his visit to New Delhi, but the demand in India for raw material to feed its construction boom is so great that Nepali contractors with political patronage want to plunder the fragile Chure ecosystem.
Even when relations between New Delhi and Kathmandu were strained in the past, there was a belief that people-to-people bonds were strong. That narrative is now increasingly frayed. Indians and Nepalis are needlessly harassed by each other’s border security.&nbsp;
Nepal-India relations have always been defined by how well or badly governments in their capitals get along. Rather than Indian or Nepali people, leaders of the two countries determine the state of relations.
How well neighbouring countries get along is determined by geography, history, culture, trade, politics, religion. And those factors have kept ties across the border stable all these years, but Nepalis in the Tarai are asking: does New Delhi determine its policy towards Nepal by seeing how they will be affected, or by maintaining its influence on the movers and shakers in Kathmandu?
The marriage of Ram from India and Sita from Nepal are often cited to prove how close Nepal-India bonds are. The Buddha was born in Nepal but got enlightenment in India. But when leaders talk about Janakpur-Ayodhya, or Lumbini-Bodh Gaya, they seldom take into account the people who live there.
Bilateral relations should not be limited to periodic summits between the leaders of India and Nepal, they need to translate into action on the ground that makes the lives of the people of the borderlands more convenient and sustainable through better connectivity and environmental safeguards.&nbsp;
Chandra Kishore is a Birganj-based political commentator. His monthly column BORDERLINES appears in Nepali Times every month. &nbsp;@kishore_chandra

Chandra Kishore

Borderlines

Nepal PM to India to reboot ties

Your wings already exist. All you have to do is fly. -Unknown  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230526190540_f002bc605048beaa4b25a771da399166ce4f8e07ba8e872d69113b18a5499efb.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20230526190540_f002bc605048beaa4b25a771da399166ce4f8e07ba8e872d69113b18a5499efb" data-rendition-name="original" width="2700" height="2700" loading="lazy" alt="Wings Miss Moti"> </figure>

Wings

The Himalayan Rescue Association Nepal (HRA) is a voluntary, non-profit set up in 1973 to reduce casualties among trekkers and porters in the Himalaya.
Its aid-post in Pheriche at an altitude of 4,250m has been saving lives of Nepali and foreign hikers for 50 years. It is staffed twice yearly during the trekking season by volunteer doctors.&nbsp;
Another permanent aid-post in Manang at 3,550m has been treating patients since 1981. Ivan Somlai and Basanta Thapa were instrumental in opening the Manang aid post.
The HRA started Everest ER medical camp at Everest Base Camp in 2003 to mark the 50th anniversary of the first ascent of the world’s highest mountain in 1953.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/without-sherpas-there-is-no-mountaineering">“Without Sherpas, there is no mountaineering”</a>, Bhadra Sharma
&nbsp;Everest ER provides medical support to the porters, climbers, expedition staff and visitors and promotes safety. Luane Freer spearheaded the establishment of Everest-ER. HRA also has a temporary medical camp at Gosainkunda lake during Janai Purnima Festival to provide free medical care to Nepali pilgrims. Young Nepali volunteer doctors from the<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/high-alert"> Mountain Medicine Society of Nepal (MMSN)</a> have been working here since 1997.&nbsp;
For the first time, HRA staffed the Manang, Pheriche Aid-posts and HRA Everest-ER with all Nepali volunteer doctors in spring 2021 due to the pandemic.
The HRA has published pamphlets on mountain safety, especially dealing with the prevention of altitude illness and updated information on prevention and treatment.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/on-mt-everest-s-70th-records-and-fatalities">On Mt Everest’s 70th, records and fatalities</a>, Pradnya Pradhan
Major credit for the foundation of HRA goes to John Skow, an American national, who in 1973 went to Khumbu on completion of his assignment as a Peace Corps volunteer in Nepal. It saddened him to see trekkers severely ill from altitude illness, which is 100% preventable.
He organised a meeting of officials from the ministry of health, doctors and trekking companies which figured out that this was in the best interest of their clients and hence good for business. 
Joining HRA were John Dickinson from Shanta Bhawan Hospital and Mr Tek Chandra Pokharel from the trekking industry.
The charismatic Peter Hackett was one of the first doctors to volunteer at the Pheriche aid post. Based on his experience of seeing patients there, he co-authored a milestone article in 1976 (including a placebo controlled, double blind, randomised controlled trial using Diamox) in the journal Lance, ‘The incidence, importance, and prophylaxis of acute mountain sickness’.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/the-pinnacle-of-determination-and-courage">The pinnacle of determination and courage</a>, Bhadra Sharma
This paper is a classic in its field and clearly helped establish the relevance of the HRA in tackling altitude illness in all its spectrum, from the relatively benign acute mountain sickness to life-threatening <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/Altitude-illness-awareness,1381">high altitude pulmonary edema (HAPE)</a> and high altitude cerebral edema (HACE) in the Himalaya.
An example of the usefulness of the HRA was recently illustrated this spring season. A comatosed porter was brought to the Pheriche aid post by passing fellow porters who appeared to know nothing about him except that he was found very drowsy and somnolent in a teahouse. The HRA staff got to work right away and determined, with the help of a portable butterfly ultrasound, that the patient had HAPE which probably led to HACE.&nbsp;
He was treated suitably with oxygen and dexamethasone. In two days the patient, under the competent care of the volunteers, was able to walk and was subsequently helicoptered out.
Since its inception in 1973, the HRA has quietly helped countless sojourners to the high Himalaya and saved many lives. Many Nepalis used to dismiss altitude illness as a “bideshi” (foreign) disease, Nepali trekkers, mountaineers, porters, pilgrims and soldiers now take it much more seriously. &nbsp;&nbsp;
Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/billi-bierling-s-life-cycle"> Billi Bierling’s life cycle</a>, Pradnya Pradhan
Buddha Basnyat, MD is Medical Director of HRA, and Gobi Bashyal is CEO.

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High Himalayan rescue

Life is a series of waves to be embraced and overcome. -Danny Meyer  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023052110058_f2ede85d0ba7bbce20072647416b872dcde0b918041b42d25956bfdecabac013.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2023052110058_f2ede85d0ba7bbce20072647416b872dcde0b918041b42d25956bfdecabac013" data-rendition-name="original" width="2700" height="2700" loading="lazy" alt="Life"> </figure>

Life

There is no path to happiness: happiness is the path. 
-Gautam Buddha

Happiness

In addition to bringing devastation to the people of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/ukraines-lessons-for-sandwiched-nations-like-nepal">Ukraine</a>, the war has had severe impacts on the global scale, even raising the spectre of a nuclear weapon exchange. As the conflict drags into its second year, there have been urgent calls for its resolution, and the matter will come up at the G7 Summit of leading industrial nations in Hiroshima from 19-21 May. In February, an emergency special session of the UN General Assembly passed a resolution calling for the early realisation of peace in Ukraine. Among the operative paragraphs of the resolution was one that urged the ‘immediate cessation of the attacks on the critical infrastructure of Ukraine and any deliberate attacks on civilian objects, including those that are residences, schools and hospitals’. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/90-seconds-to-midnight">90 seconds to midnight</a>, Daisaku Ikeda With that as a first essential step, all concerned parties must come together to create a space for deliberation toward a complete cessation of hostilities. I would like to propose that, as negotiations advance through the cooperative efforts of the concerned countries, they be joined by representatives of civil society, such as physicians and educators who work in schools and hospitals to protect and nurture people’s lives and futures, participating as observers. In March, the leaders of Russia and China issued a joint statement following their summit meeting which read in part: ‘The two sides call for stopping all moves that lead to tensions and the protraction of fighting to prevent the crisis from getting worse or even out of control.’ This is aligned with the resolution adopted by the emergency special session of the UN General Assembly. The <a href="https://www.g7hiroshima.go.jp/en/summit/about/">G7 Hiroshima Summit </a>next week is an opportunity to build on these commitments and develop concrete plans for negotiations that will lead to a cessation of hostilities. I also urge the G7 to commit at the Hiroshima Summit to taking the lead in discussions on pledges of No First Use of nuclear weapons. The Ukraine crisis is without parallel in the length of time that the threat of use and the fear of actual use of nuclear weapons have persisted. Since the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the hibakusha of those cities, in coordination with the larger civil society movement, have stressed the inhumane nature of nuclear weapons. Non-nuclear-weapon states have engaged in continuous diplomatic efforts, and the states possessing nuclear weapons have exercised self-restraint. As a result, the world has somehow managed to maintain a seventy-seven-year record of non-use of nuclear weapons.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230509090512_43ed50f0f0bbdd477bc52a0aba3313079bdaf26cdcbedec4f6e9439da3576221.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20230509090512_43ed50f0f0bbdd477bc52a0aba3313079bdaf26cdcbedec4f6e9439da3576221" data-rendition-name="original" width="1207" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="G7 summit"> <figcaption>Karipbek Kuyukov (left) at a gathering of anti-nuclear weapons activists in Tokyo ahead of the G7 Summit in Hiroshima. The Kazakh painter was born without arms because of exposure to radiation from the former Soviet nuclear testing site in Semipalatinsk. Photo: Katsuhiro Asagiri, Multimedia Director of INPS Japan.</figcaption> </figure>  If international public opinion and the taboo against the use of nuclear weapons were to fail to provide their braking function, nuclear deterrence policy will compel humankind to stand on the edge of a precipice, never knowing when it might give way. Since the start of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/ukraine-crisis-hits-nepal-economy-hard">the Ukraine crisis</a>, I have drawn attention to the joint statement by the five nuclear-weapon states (United States, Russia, United Kingdom, France and China) made in January 2022, which reiterated the principle that ‘a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought’, and called for it to serve as the basis for reducing the risk of nuclear weapons use. Also of important note is the declaration issued by the G20 group in Indonesia last November, which stated: ‘The use or threat of use of nuclear weapons is inadmissible.’ The G20 member countries include nuclear-weapon states as well as nuclear-dependent states. It is deeply significant that these countries have officially expressed their shared recognition that the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons is ‘inadmissible’ — the spirit underlying the <a href="https://disarmament.unoda.org/wmd/nuclear/tpnw/#:~:text=The%20Treaty%20on%20the%20Prohibition,threaten%20to%20use%20nuclear%20weapons.">Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons</a> (TPNW). It is vital that this message be communicated powerfully to the world from Hiroshima. As the G7 leaders revisit the actual consequences of a nuclear weapon detonation and the bitter lessons of the nuclear era, I urge that they initiate earnest deliberations on making pledges of No First Use so that their shared recognition of the inadmissible nature of nuclear weapons can find expression in changed policies. If agreement could be reached on the principle of No First Use, which was at one point included in drafts of the final statement for last year’s NPT Review Conference, this would establish the basis on which states could together transform the challenging security environments in which they find themselves. I believe it is vital to make the shift to a ‘common security’ paradigm. Commitment to policies of No First Use is indeed a prescription for hope. It can serve as the axle connecting the twin wheels of the NPT and TPNW, speeding realisation of a world free from nuclear weapons. Soka Gakkai International (SGI) has continued to work with the world’s hibakusha, the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons, which arose from its parent body IPPNW, and other organisations first for the adoption and now the universalisation of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. As members of civil society, we are committed to promoting the prompt adoption of policies of No First Use of nuclear weapons, generating momentum to transform our age. <a href="https://nam12.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.sokaglobal.org%2Fabout-the-soka-gakkai%2Flives-of-the-founding-presidents%2Fdaisaku-ikeda.html&amp;data=05%7C01%7C%7C530ac282429b4975602d08daf631f280%7C84df9e7fe9f640afb435aaaaaaaaaaaa%7C1%7C0%7C638092991631893918%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJWIjoiMC4wLjAwMDAiLCJQIjoiV2luMzIiLCJBTiI6Ik1haWwiLCJXVCI6Mn0%3D%7C3000%7C%7C%7C&amp;sdata=wxDtf2a8bAHpXRQsESarxm6r2OMbqQQ2Yn9cdYklX2A%3D&amp;reserved=0" target="_blank">Daisaku Ikeda</a> is a peace builder and Buddhist leader, and President of the Soka Gakkai International (<a href="https://nam12.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fsgi-peace.org%2F&amp;data=05%7C01%7C%7C530ac282429b4975602d08daf631f280%7C84df9e7fe9f640afb435aaaaaaaaaaaa%7C1%7C0%7C638092991631893918%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJWIjoiMC4wLjAwMDAiLCJQIjoiV2luMzIiLCJBTiI6Ik1haWwiLCJXVCI6Mn0%3D%7C3000%7C%7C%7C&amp;sdata=sAZGJhUq0jZ6zvwMxPxPP5%2FT6fKkD%2FPoZhyzUI9IFko%3D&amp;reserved=0" target="_blank">SGI</a>). <a href="https://www.daisakuikeda.org/" target="_blank">https://www.daisakuikeda.org/</a>&nbsp; Read <a href="https://www.daisakuikeda.org/sub/resources/works/lect/2023apr27-g7-hiroshima-stmt.html" target="_blank">full statement</a>.

G7 in Hiroshima must defuse Ukraine nuclear risk

This year marks the 50th anniversary of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/review/norway-nepal-a-love-story">diplomatic relations between Norway and Nepal</a>, and also the 60th anniversary of cooperation with Nepal in renewable energy. Our people-to-people contacts go back even further. Now, Nepal and Norway have renewed their joint commitment to mitigate and adapt to climate change.
Norway and the regional partnership of ICIMOD (International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development) are also long-term partners. Since 1993, Norway has been working with ICIMOD through its Nepal headquarter to develop better solutions for the Hindu Kush Himalaya region to address challenges related to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-climate-crisis-is-a-water-crisis-in-the-himalaya">climate change</a> on poverty alleviation. We have been partnering with ICIMOD for 30 years, and this week we signed a new agreement for continued support.
Norway and Nepal <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/orchestrating-cross-cultural-collaboration">are geographically far apart</a>, but as countries close to one of the three poles we share commonalities. Not least when it comes to the effects of climate change. The Hindu Kush Himalaya and the Arctic are affected by climate change; snow, ice and glaciers are melting, and the frozen land is tawing - changing the ecosystems and impacting the way of life for the people living in these areas.
The triple planetary crises of climate change, biodiversity loss, and pollution are <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/we-have-not-respected-the-fragility-of-the-himalaya">amplified in the Hindu Kush Himalaya</a>. Pollution originating from Southeast Asia is affecting both the Himalaya and the Arctic due to long range transport by the wind. Global action is needed to reduce these effects to save nature and the people living there.
The Hindu Kush Himalaya stretches across eight Asian countries from Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, China, India, Myanmar, Nepal, to Pakistan. The rivers that flow from this mountain range support the lives and livelihoods of nearly two billion people living downstream.
An incredible diversity of flora and fauna provides a range of ecosystem services. A region of extraordinary diversity of peoples, topology, and nature, holds the largest reserves of fresh water outside the polar regions largely in the form of frozen water. That is why it is known as the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-third-pole-is-warming-faster-than-expected">Water Tower of Asia</a>. &nbsp;&nbsp;
The Norway-ICIMOD partnership is rooted in a shared affection for mountains, affection for the people that live in the mountains, and the opportunities that come from sustainable use of the mountains, for instance in hydropower and farming.
The partnership focuses on increased resilience of <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Recharging-the-mountains,3465">farming practices to a changing climate</a>, the revival of drying springs, the protection of fragile mountain ecosystems, and assessment and reduction of disaster risk.
The Norwegian Water Resources and Energy Directorate will continue its collaboration with ICIMOD on important scientific work in the field to monitor changes in snow cover and glacier melt on a twice-annual basis – building upon the work done over the past eight years.
By setting up the world’s only monitoring stations above 5,000m, our teams have created a unique repository of knowledge: both for those living in the Himalaya and for policymakers and analysts of climate change worldwide.
As we have seen with the catastrophic floods in Pakistan last year, the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/the-monsoon-mess-in-melamchi">flood disaster at Melamchi</a> the year before, and the unseasonal heat waves that engulfed much of Asia last month, the climate crisis is an emergency for the region. The time to act is now.&nbsp;
Climate impact is already compounding the extreme hardships borne by so many families across countries in this region, where an unacceptable 30% of people face food insecurity and half experience some form of malnutrition. As the impact of temperature rise accelerates, compromising water security, agriculture, children’s capacity to study, and people’s ability to work and increasing the risks of natural hazards, the challenges of everyday life are only set to intensify. &nbsp;
With the support of Norway, ICIMOD will be able to significantly increase its efforts to protect the people and ecosystems that are central to our mission, ultimately improving the region's ability to withstand future risks.&nbsp;
The Government of Norway and ICIMOD are united in the belief that not one institution can solve the challenges the world faces alone. But by leveraging vast breadth of knowledge, scope of work, and historical data, we stand ready to support the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/terrifying-assessment-of-a-himalayan-melting">Hindu Kush Himalaya</a> transition to a greener, more inclusive, and climate-resilient region. &nbsp;
Through this catalytic partnership, we set out to ensure the protection of many more communities, habitats, and species – safeguarding this unique and precious region for generations to come.
As we celebrate the 50-year milestone of diplomatic relations between Norway and Nepal, as well as 30 years of collaboration with ICIMOD, we are happy that the partnerships remain strong, and we are committed to further deepening our cooperation in the years to come.
Anne Beathe Tvinnereim is Minister of International Development of Norway, and Pema Gyamtsho is Director General, ICIMOD.

Anne Beathe Tvinnereim

Pema Gyamtsho

Norway supports Himalayan climate research

Nepal’s 2015 Constitution is considered as one of Asia’s most progressive in promoting women's political participation and empowerment. It is one of about 70 countries to adopt gender quotas to encourage women's leadership.
Despite having achieved the 33% target in Parliament, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/women-leaders-seen-but-not-heard">Nepali women continue to be excluded </a>from executive leadership positions, and are underrepresented in Parliament committees and the Cabinet. This prevents them from being involved in the decision-making process that directly affects their lives.
Genuine progress is not possible without a true effort to institutionalise the structures to uplift women and eradicate the symptoms and patterns that have historically marginalised them. Political empowerment of women requires a multi-faceted approach that addresses Nepal’s political and bureaucratic capacity while also challenging societal norms that favour men.&nbsp;
According to <a href="https://data.ipu.org/women-ranking?month=2&amp;year=2023">a report by the Inter-Parliamentary Union</a>, Nepal ranks 54th globally in terms of women's representation in Parliament. Women make up 51% of the total population but comprise only 33.09% of the total parliamentarians. This under-representation limits their ability to effectively advocate for women's rights and interests and contribute to inclusive development.
The current political structures and provisions such as quotas and reserved seats, have not been sufficient in ensuring equal political representation. Women face numerous barriers including cultural and traditional beliefs, economic and educational disparities, and gender-based discrimination. The lack of enforcement mechanisms to ensure implementation further undermines the effectiveness of these provisions.
Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/can-nepal-elections-change-its-male-stream-politics">Can Nepal change its male-stream politics</a><a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/can-nepal-elections-change-its-male-stream-politics">?</a>, Aditi Adhikari
To enhance <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepali-leaders-unable-to-accept-women-in-power">women's political representation</a> and address the underlying systemic barriers that prevent their access to leadership positions, the government needs to revise its current legal framework, explore innovative approaches, and demonstrate a commitment to upholding the principles of democracy and gender equality.&nbsp;
An effective solution would be to strive for a first-past-the-post (FPTP) system that reserves 33% of the seats for female candidates. This would promote equal representation of women in Parliament and other decision-making bodies.
Women's political representation was a major concern in the 2022 elections. Women leaders across party lines came together to <a href=" https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-power-to-have-a-say-in-her-story">express collective dissatisfaction</a> with their parties for failing to adhere to the constitutional requirement of female participation and candidacy. They called for their parties to nominate more female leaders through FPTP rather than the proportional representation (PR) system.
This would encourage political parties to nominate more women candidates, as they would have a greater chance of winning under the new electoral system. It would also help address the issue of tokenism, as women would be more likely to be elected based on their merit and qualifications rather than being seen as mere placeholders.
Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepali-leaders-unable-to-accept-women-in-power">"Nepali leaders unable to accept women in power"</a>
The implementation of a 33% FPTP system for women would require a constitutional amendment, necessitating the support of two-thirds of the parliamentarians. Given the importance, it would be a worthwhile effort.
A key factor that hindered women's political representation in the 2022 elections was the prevalence of coalition politics. &nbsp;According to Section 17 (4) of the Local Level Election Act-2017, political parties must field a woman candidate for either chief or deputy chief at the local level. But it is only applicable when a party has candidates for both positions.&nbsp;
In a case where a party fields a candidate for only one position, this provision is not applicable.&nbsp;
As parties prioritise their own interests, coalition politics often results in fewer women getting nominated and hence elected. In the 2022 local elections, the electoral alliance between the NC and coalition parties resulted in fewer women being nominated. As a result, 163 local units are now headed by men, and the number of female deputies has decreased from 700 in 2017 to 564.
Tighter laws to discourage coalition politics would help to promote greater accountability and transparency in the electoral process. Parties could be prevented from forming alliances before elections, and they can do that once the poll results are out.&nbsp;
The second proposal is to forbid parties from presenting an imbalanced candidacy if they form an alliance. This would prevent the parties from making backroom deals and compromising on women's representation for the sake of political gain.
Empowering women heavily depends on bureaucratic capacity. This can be achieved by increasing resource allocation to the Ministry of Women, Children, and Senior Citizen, and sending dedicated ministers to elevate its positioning in the Cabinet. By doing this the government's commitment to gender equality and social inclusion can be reflected in its policies and actions.
The Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Industry, Commerce, and Supplies can play a significant role in creating policies that are favourable towards empowering women.
To promote gender equality, existing policies need to be revised through a comprehensive approach. This includes conducting a gender analysis of policies, reviewing and revising them to remove discriminatory language, and incorporating gender-specific targets and indicators.&nbsp;
Diverse groups should be involved in the process, and monitoring and evaluation mechanisms should be placed to <a href="https://www.adb.org/sites/default/files/institutional-document/32237/cga-nep-2010.pdf">track progress</a>. Political literacy can also help women to gain confidence and better understand the landscape.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/women-leaders-seen-but-not-heard/">Women leaders seen, but not heard</a>, Shristi Karki
We must think innovatively and focus on strategies that can be effective in both urban and rural areas. It is important to engage with women at the grassroots level and understand their unique challenges and perspectives. This can involve creating awareness campaigns on women's rights and political participation, as well as working with local leaders and stakeholders to address the barriers.
Empowering women through community-led initiatives that can address local issues is crucial. These efforts may include creating local women's groups that can advocate for women's rights and promote their participation in local governance.
By providing access to information, resources, and emotional support, <a href="https://www.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/Headquarters/Attachments/Sections/Library/Publications/2014/Strategy%20Guide%20Political%20Empowerment%20of%20Women%20LAC.pdf">networks can help women</a> overcome barriers and challenges they face in the political arena. They can also amplify women's voices, help them advocate for change, and build alliances and coalitions with other groups.
Promoting economic empowerment through <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-enterprising-women-in-politics">small-scale entrepreneurship</a> and microfinance initiatives can help women gain the necessary skills and resources to become economically independent. When more women take on leadership roles in the economy, it can challenge the traditional notion that men are the sole breadwinners. This can help to break down gender stereotypes and promote gender equality.&nbsp;
The practices, policies, and values of political parties can greatly influence women's participation and representation in politics. Nepali political parties have failed to demonstrate a genuine dedication to promote gender equality in actual practices. This is evident in the leadership hierarchy, selection of candidates, and policies of these parties.
Trends show that women receive insufficient support from within their own parties with a general opposition to a woman occupying executive positions, mostly <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/political-patriarchy">among men</a>.&nbsp;
For instance, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/jumlas-great-leap-into-the-future">Kantika Sejuwal</a> of NC says she faced continual opposition and criticism from her own party when she was vying for nomination for the mayor of Jumla despite having a strong educational background, experience, and extensive networking.
Political parties must ensure that women have equal opportunities to participate in party politics and decision-making processes. They should provide necessary resources and support to women candidates with training and mentorship, financial support, and access to information and networks.
Male solidarity is important here since men dominate political parties in number, and in executive leadership positions. They have more access to resources and command an informal authority. Men in positions of power must prioritise advocating for and actively supporting women's political empowerment.
Nisha Onta is the Executive Director and Pukar Malla is the Chairperson of the Governance Lab.
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